Press releases

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, respondents currently have a low level of awareness about what the main candidates plan to do if elected president: between 45% and 65% of respondents say they are not familiar with the candidates’ plans.
• Relatively higher awareness is observed with regard to Yuliia Tymoshenko’s plans (46%): 15% say they know a lot about her plans, 18% are partially familiar with them, and another 14% know very little.
• Somewhat fewer respondents are aware of the policy initiatives of Oleh Liashko (39%) and Petro Poroshenko (36%). Nearly 60% of respondents know nothing about the plans of Yurii Boiko and Anatolii Hrytsenko. About two thirds of respondents are unaware of the plans of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk. In general, older voters tend to be better informed about candidates’ plans, while young people are relatively better informed about the plans of Vakarchuk and Zelenskyi.
• Almost half of respondents say they are definitely going to vote in the presidential election, while one in five say they are more likely to vote than not.
• Yuliia Tymoshenko remains the leader of the presidential rating, supported by 17.7% of those who intend to vote and have already made up their minds. Anatolii Hrytsenko could receive 10.7%, Yurii Boiko 8.9%, Oleh Liashko 8.5%, Petro Poroshenko 8.3%, Volodymyr Zelenskyi 8.0%, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk 8.0%, and Vadym Rabinovych 5.9%. Other candidates have ratings below 3%. Nearly one in five respondents remain undecided.
• Tymoshenko has strong electoral positions in almost all macro-regions, with relatively higher support in the West, Center, and South. Hrytsenko’s core electorate is also concentrated mainly in the western and central regions, while his support is weaker elsewhere. Poroshenko’s support is relatively even across macro-regions, except for the East. Liashko is supported mainly in the South and Center, Vakarchuk in the West. Voters of Boiko, Rabinovych, and Zelenskyi are relatively more numerous in the East and South, with Boiko and Rabinovych having stronger support in the East, and Zelenskyi in the South.
• According to the so-called “second choice” indicator, the greatest additional electoral potential is seen for Volodymyr Zelenskyi (8.0%), Yuliia Tymoshenko (7.5%), Anatolii Hrytsenko (6.1%), Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (5.7%), and Oleh Liashko (4.8%). Under certain conditions, 3.7% could additionally vote for Vadym Rabinovych, 3.4% for Yurii Boiko, and 3.1% for Petro Poroshenko.
• The anti-rating continues to be led by Petro Poroshenko: half of respondents say they would not vote for him under any circumstances. 26–29% would not support Yuliia Tymoshenko, Oleh Liashko, or Arsenii Yatseniuk in any case. 18% would not support Oleh Tiahnybok, 17% Yurii Boiko, 15% Vadym Rabinovych, 13% Volodymyr Zelenskyi, and 11% Sviatoslav Vakarchuk.
• 16% of respondents believe the next president will be Yuliia Tymoshenko, 12.7% believe it will be Petro Poroshenko. Another 6.7% think Yurii Boiko will become president, 4.7% Volodymyr Zelenskyi, 3.7% Oleh Liashko, 3.4% Anatolii Hrytsenko, 2.9% Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, and 1.9% Vadym Rabinovych. Almost 40% of respondents were unable to predict who would become the next president. Over the past few months, confidence in Tymoshenko’s victory has increased (from 10% to 16%), while confidence in Poroshenko’s victory has decreased (from 15% to 13%).
• Willingness to participate in parliamentary elections is somewhat lower: 46% say they will definitely vote, and another one quarter say they are more likely to vote than not.
• The party rating is led by Batkivshchyna, supported by 19.5% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice. Second place is shared by the Opposition Bloc, Civic Position, and Servant of the People, each with around 11%. For Life is supported by 7.2%, the Radical Party by 7.0%, BPP Solidarity by 6.5%, Samopomich by 4.3%, Svoboda by 4.1%, and the Agrarian Party by 2.5%. Other parties have ratings below 2%. Nearly one in six respondents remain undecided.
• Batkivshchyna, the Opposition Bloc, Civic Position, For Life, and BPP Solidarity are more often supported by middle-aged and older respondents. Servant of the People currently has greater support among young people.
• Batkivshchyna and BPP Solidarity show relatively strong results in all macro-regions except the East. Civic Position is better supported in the West and Center. The Opposition Bloc and For Life have their strongest positions in the South and East, the Radical Party and Servant of the People in the Center and South, while Samopomich and Svoboda are strongest in the West.

• According to a study conducted by the Rating Group, the greatest sources of joy in Ukrainians’ lives are family (74%), children (63%), and friends (49%). These three categories have consistently topped the “joy ranking” for the past ten years, the entire period during which the Sociological Group “Rating” has been monitoring this issue.
• Joy is also commonly associated with travel (30%), communicating with nature (30%), money (29%), music (27%), work (25%), pets (24%), and gifts (22%).
• Nearly one in five Ukrainians say they find joy in vacations or holidays, books, the internet, watching television, food, sex, as well as household chores and sports. One in six associate joy with cinema, birthdays, prayer, and shopping. Almost one in ten mention theatre, dancing, singing, victories of a favorite sports team, or simple solitude. Around 5% derive joy from education and alcohol, while 1–2% mention gambling and light drugs. Only 1% of Ukrainians state that nothing brings them joy in life.
• Over the past ten years, the sense of joy has increased the most in relation to family, children, friends, vacations and travel, pets, contact with nature, sports, sex, food, books, theatre, singing, and dancing.
• At the same time, during this decade there has been a significant decline in the number of respondents who say they find joy in watching television. It is worth noting that in 2009–2011, watching television consistently ranked among the top five sources of joy, whereas today it occupies a position in the middle of the second ten.
• Meanwhile, the proportion of respondents who associate joy with money, work, gifts, the internet, household chores, cinema, prayer, victories of a favorite team, and shopping has either increased only slightly or remained largely unchanged.
• An age-based analysis shows that older people experience relatively more joy primarily from watching television, household chores, and prayer. Pets, books, singing, and solitude also fall into categories where there is no pronounced age difference. Middle-aged respondents derive relatively more joy from children and work, while young people are more likely to associate joy with friends, money, music, food, sex, sports, cinema, shopping, dancing, and education.
• Clear gender differences in perceptions of joy were also recorded. Women, more often than men, derive joy from family, children, nature, gifts, books, shopping, dancing, singing, theatre, household work, prayer, and solitude. Men, in turn, more often associate joy with friends, work, food, the internet, sex, sports, cinema, victories of a favorite team, alcohol, and gambling.
• People with higher incomes tend to experience relatively more joy from almost all aspects of life, except watching television and household chores. At the same time, children bring joy equally to respondents regardless of income level.

According to the survey conducted by the Sociological Group Rating, 70% of the polled Ukrainians are satisfied with the electricity supply services provided to them, 28% - are rather dissatisfied. The number of those satisfied is relatively higher among the residents of the Center and urban citizens.

At the same time, only one-third of the respondents believe that tariffs for electricity supply services comply with their quality; more than 60% have the opposite opinion. Those who are generally satisfied with the electricity supply services are more likely to see the correspondence between price and quality of such services.

20% of the polled consider Ukraine to be completely energy independent, a half - partly independent, almost 20% - fully energy dependent, every tenth – could not answer.

According to 45% of the respondents, over the last four years, Ukraine has become more energy independent of Russia, 18% have an opposite vision, a quarter believes that nothing has changed, 13% - were not able to answer.

40% noted that Ukraine should continue to buy gas on a reverse pattern from European partners, the same number supports starting direct negotiations with Russia on new gas prices, almost 20% - have not determined.
80% of Ukrainians support the decision of the court against the Russian company “Gazprom” regarding the illegality of the "take and pay" scheme, as a result of which Ukraine will be able to receive 2.6 billion dollars of compensation and continue to buy gas from anyone at own choice.
According to one-third of the respondents, coal is to be purchased abroad. 46% believe that Ukraine has to negotiate with the so-called DNR-LNR on coal supply to Ukraine, 21% - have not determined.
Nearly a half of the polled are more likely to be positive towards the investors from Germany, Canada, Poland, and Japan; 45% - the United States (23% neutral, 19% negative), 37% to 41% - Italy, Turkey, and Denmark (one-third neutral, 14-21% negative), one-third – China and South Korea (26% neutral, 25-26% negative), 26% - Cyprus (28% neutral, 27% negative). 15% are positive towards the investors from Russia, 18% - neutral, 56% - negative.

More than two-thirds of the polled find the support from Germany (68%), Poland (64%), Canada (63%), the United Kingdom and the United States (62% each), Japan and France (60% each) to be favorable. A half estimates as favorable the support from Italy and China, only 22% - from Russia (59% - not favorable).

Almost 90% are rather positive towards renewable (“green” energy), 8% have a neutral attitude, 2% - negative, 3% - not determined.
75% support the introduction of a "green tariff" for those electricity producers who operate with renewable sources, which will facilitate the gradual transition of Ukraine to renewable energy sources. 15% - do not support the initiative, 10% - have not determined.

One-third of the respondents favor the introduction of the Law amendments and reduction of the payments to renewable energy producers. 46% consider it necessary to keep tariffs at the same level (not to change the Law), 22% could not answer. At the same time, among those who generally support the "green tariff", more than a half is opposed to amending the legislation and reducing payments to renewable energy producers.

Assessing the advantages of Ukraine's cooperation with different countries, the relative majority of the respondents (45%) agree that the Free Trade Agreement with the European Union is rather to bring benefits to Ukraine, while 22% believe that this Agreement is more likely to harm our state, a quarter knows nothing about it, every tenth could not decide on the attitude.

Likewise, the majority (54%) believes that the Free Trade Agreement with Canada is more beneficial to Ukraine, while 12% believe that this Agreement is more likely to harm our state, almost a quarter knows nothing about it, and almost every tenth could not decide on the attitude.
51% believe that the future Free Trade Agreement with Israel will rather bring benefits to Ukraine, while 13% believe that this agreement is more likely to harm our country, almost a quarter knows nothing about it, and every tenth could not decide on the attitude.
More optimistic attitude towards these agreements was recorded among the respondents from Western and Central Ukraine, more often those were young people and people with relatively higher incomes.

If a referendum on Ukraine joining NATO were held today, 45% of the polled would vote for joining, one-third - against, every tenth - would not vote, the same number have not decided on their attitude.

If Ukraine considered the option of signing an agreement with other countries on providing military support to them in the event of aggression, the respondents consider Poland (74%), Great Britain (60%), the USA (59%), Georgia (55), Belarus (53%), and Turkey (49%) to be the most acceptable from the proposed list of countries. About 40% of the polled would support the agreement with Moldova and China, one-third - with India. At the same time, only 19% of the polled would support the agreement on military support with Russia, while two-thirds would not support it.

Interestingly, the supporters of Ukraine joining NATO are relatively more likely to support the signing of military support agreements with Poland, the United States, the United Kingdom and Georgia, while the opponents of NATO membership - with Russia and Belarus.

• According to the results of the study conducted by the Rating Group, Yuliya Tymoshenko remains the leader of the presidential rating: 17.1% of those who intend to participate in the vote and have already decided on their choice are ready to vote for her. Anatoliy Hrytsenko is supported by 9.7%, Yuriy Boyko by 8.9%, Volodymyr Zelenskyy by 8.5%, Oleh Liashko by 8.1%, Petro Poroshenko by 7.8%, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk by 6.6%, Yevhen Murayev by 4.2%, Vadym Rabinovych by 3.7%, Oleh Tyahnybok by 2.6%, Andriy Sadovyi by 2.2%, Serhiy Taruta by 1.5%, Arseniy Yatsenyuk by 1.3%, and Roman Bezsmertnyi by 1.2%. Among respondents who intend to vote, almost one in five has not yet decided on their choice.
• In the so-called “second choice” rating, the leading positions are held by Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (5.3%), Yuliya Tymoshenko (4.9%), Volodymyr Zelenskyy (4.7%), and Anatoliy Hrytsenko (4.7%).
• The negative rating continues to be led by Petro Poroshenko: almost half of respondents stated that they would not vote for him under any circumstances. Yuliya Tymoshenko would not be supported by 28.5% of respondents, Arseniy Yatsenyuk by 26.9%, Oleh Liashko by 26.2%, Oleh Tyahnybok by 18.9%, Yuriy Boyko by 16.1%, and Vadym Rabinovych by 15.6%.
• Three quarters of those surveyed believe that things in Ukraine are moving in the wrong direction. Thirteen percent hold the opposite view, while 12% are undecided in their assessment. In the perception of problems, the tendency persists whereby the war in Eastern Ukraine and corruption remain the most important nationwide issues, while at the personal level social problems dominate, primarily low wages and pensions as well as high utility tariffs.
• The number of supporters of pro-Western integration exceeds the number of its opponents: 50% support accession to the European Union, while 28% are opposed; 42% support Euro-Atlantic integration, while 35% are opposed. When choosing between directions of integration into economic unions, 42% of respondents support accession to the European Union, 36% support equidistance from both Russia and the EU, 11% support joining the Customs Union, and another 11% are undecided. In regional terms, a trend can be observed whereby supporters of equidistance prevail in the southern and eastern regions (40–45%). At the same time, in the South the number of supporters of joining the Customs Union is half that of supporters of European integration, while in the East their numbers are almost equal.
• Sixty-one percent of respondents believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language, while Russian should be freely used in all spheres of life. Seventeen percent support granting Russian the status of an official language in certain regions while preserving Ukrainian as the state language, and 19% support granting state status to both Ukrainian and Russian. The largest number of supporters of granting Russian some form of official status is recorded in the South and East. At the same time, even in these regions, 40–45% support maintaining the status quo in state language policy.
• Respondents have the most positive attitudes toward Belarus (74%), Canada (68%), and the European Union (68%). Attitudes toward the United States are positive among 58% and negative among 27%; toward the CIS, 44% positive and 31% negative; toward Russia, 35% positive and 52% negative. Attitudes toward international organizations are as follows: 58% view the UN positively and 20% negatively; the OSCE, 50% positively and 26% negatively; NATO, 49% positively and 30% negatively; the IMF, 39% positively and 35% negatively. About a quarter of respondents were unable to express any attitude toward these international institutions. Western countries and institutions are viewed more positively in the West and Center of Ukraine, while Belarus, the CIS, and Russia receive more positive attitudes in the South and East.
• Two thirds of respondents support peaceful ways of resolving the problem of the occupied Donbas: 32% support ending hostilities and recognizing these territories as temporarily occupied (freezing the conflict), 24% support granting these territories autonomy or a federal status within Ukraine, and 9% support their complete separation. At the same time, 21% support continuing military actions until full restoration of Ukrainian authority throughout Donbas. The view that the conflict in Donbas should be resolved by armed means is not dominant in any macro-region of the country.
• Only 9% of respondents stated that they know the content of the Minsk agreements well. Another 49% said they are superficially familiar with them and have heard about them in the media, while almost 40% are not familiar with their content at all. Only 14% believe that Ukraine should fully implement all the conditions set out in the Minsk agreements. In turn, 17% believe that Ukraine should withdraw from the negotiation process and make decisions without international mediators, while a relative majority of 32% argue that the agreements should be revised and new ones signed. About one third of respondents were unable to answer this question. The better respondents are acquainted with the substance of the agreements, the more clearly they express their views on their future. Over the past year, the share of respondents who support revising the Minsk agreements and signing new ones has slightly increased.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group in June 2018, 44% of respondents stated that over the past two years the overall quality of public healthcare services in the country has deteriorated. Fourteen percent reported seeing improvements, 32% believe that nothing has changed in the quality of public healthcare services, and 10% were unable to answer. Over the past six months, the share of those who say the situation has improved has slightly increased.
• Thirty-eight percent rate the level of professionalism and competence of doctors in Ukraine as high, while 54% hold the opposite view. Professional qualities of medical staff were rated somewhat higher in the eastern regions than elsewhere. Having a medical professional in the family and being acquainted with one’s family doctor also positively affects approval of doctors’ competence.
• Fifty-five percent know their family doctor or therapist, while 44% do not. A relatively higher level of awareness is observed among women and older respondents.
• Eighty-six percent have heard about the national program “Doctor for Every Family,” while 12% said they know nothing about it. Seventy percent stated that they support such a program. The reform is perceived more positively in western regions, and support is also somewhat higher among younger respondents and those who know their family doctor.
• Thirty-six percent reported that they have already chosen a family doctor and signed a contract with them, while 63% have not yet done so. Respondents from the East, older respondents, and urban residents more often reported having chosen a family doctor. Among those who have already signed a contract, 82% said they are satisfied with their doctor, and only 7% expressed dissatisfaction.
• Twenty-two percent of respondents reported having family members who work in professional medicine, including doctors, nurses, speech therapists, psychologists, and others.
• Seventy-three percent support voluntary vaccination of children against diseases such as polio, measles, tuberculosis, hepatitis B, diphtheria, and others, while 21% do not support it. In the case of mandatory vaccination, the level of support decreases somewhat: 66% support it and 27% do not. Voluntary vaccination is viewed more favorably by younger respondents and women, while mandatory vaccination is relatively more often supported by older people.
• Sixty-eight percent said they have heard about the “Affordable Medicines” program, under which pharmacies provide free medicines to patients with chronic conditions such as type II diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, and bronchial asthma. Thirty-one percent know nothing about it. Higher awareness is observed among older respondents and those who have medical workers in their families.
• Fifty percent support the introduction of the “money follows the patient” principle in healthcare financing. Twenty percent expressed the opposite view, 17% said they support neither the old nor the new financing system, and 14% were unable to answer. Support for the new model of budget allocation for healthcare is higher in western and central regions, among younger respondents, and among urban residents.
• Forty-nine percent reported that they have heard about the entry into force of the Law of Ukraine “On Improving Access to and Quality of Medical Care in Rural Areas,” under which 5 billion hryvnias were allocated for rural healthcare development, including purchasing new ambulances, providing transport for doctors, installing Internet access, and purchasing medical equipment. The same share, 49%, said they know nothing about it. Awareness of this initiative was reported more often by the oldest respondents. Among those who had heard about the law, more than 80% support it, while only 12% do not.
• Among the services that could be provided by the eHealth electronic system being gradually introduced in Ukraine, respondents found checking and comparing pharmacy prices the most convenient. Sixty-six percent said it would be convenient for them to do this using the system, while 29% disagreed. Scheduling appointments with doctors, checking one’s medical history, signing contracts with family doctors, and printing official prescriptions would be convenient for 50% to 60% of respondents, while 35% to 40% consider these services inconvenient. In contrast, using eHealth for medical consultations via video conferencing received mixed evaluations: 46% would find it convenient, while the same share would find it inconvenient. Receiving medical services through eHealth is clearly perceived more positively by younger and middle-aged respondents, while the oldest respondents are more likely to consider this mode of communication inconvenient. Men and wealthier respondents also tend to find eHealth services more convenient.
• Fifty-six percent of respondents said that over the past 12 months they were not asked to pay a bribe for medical treatment, while 15% reported encountering corruption when receiving medical services, and 27% said they had not visited a doctor during this period. Residents of southern regions, younger respondents, and wealthier respondents encountered demands for bribes relatively more often. At the same time, 27% said they had given gifts (such as sweets, alcohol, etc.) as a token of gratitude for treatment or medical services over the past 12 months, while 40% said they had no such experience. Younger and wealthier respondents reported such practices somewhat more often, as did respondents in the West and Center.
• Two thirds support introducing a cost-sharing system for medical treatment, where part of the cost is paid by the state and part by the patient, while 25% oppose this initiative. Support for co-financing treatment costs is more common in western and central regions, among younger and wealthier respondents. Among those who are not opposed to such a system, 33% said they are willing to pay no more than 5% of the total cost, 26% no more than 10%, 13% no more than 20%, and 14% are willing to pay up to a quarter of the cost of treatment. Again, younger and wealthier respondents more often stated their readiness to co-finance a quarter of treatment costs.
• More than 80% said they support the introduction in Ukraine of a new system of standardized entrance exams for applicants to medical universities, based on international practices and higher admission requirements. The same share believe that graduation exams for obtaining a medical diploma should be difficult (52% say very difficult, 35% say rather difficult). Only 7% supported simplifying exams for medical students.
• Fifty-eight percent of respondents consider the Ministry of Health important for themselves and their families, while 35% expressed the opposite opinion. Residents of western regions, younger respondents, and those who have medical professionals in their families more often emphasized the importance of the ministry.

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, 76% of respondents believe that affairs in Ukraine are moving in the wrong direction, 13% express the opposite view, and 11% are undecided. Residents of the central and western regions express relatively less pessimism, while the highest level of criticism is observed in the South.
• Only 8% of respondents report an improvement in the economic situation of their families over the past six months. By contrast, 60% say it has worsened, and another 30% report no change. The highest share of those who see a deterioration in their personal financial situation is in the South (74%), and the lowest in the West (40%). The older the respondents, the more often they report a worsening of their own economic situation.
• The war in eastern Ukraine remains the most important national problem in the eyes of citizens (78%). Bribery and corruption as nationwide problems are mentioned by 55% of respondents, and unemployment by 29%. Low wages and pensions, insufficient social protection, social inequality, and rising prices for basic goods as country-level problems concern between 16% and 18% of respondents.
• At the same time, the ranking of personal problems is led by socio-economic issues: rising prices and tariffs, as well as low wages and pensions, personally concern more than half of respondents. The war in the East, low quality of medical services, and lack of work are personal problems for one in five respondents. Insufficient social protection, bribery and corruption in government are considered problems by 15–16% of respondents, and social inequality by 10%. Other issues personally concern no more than 10%.
• Two thirds of respondents clearly place responsibility for the difficult situation currently facing Ukraine on former President Viktor Yanukovych. Fifty-three percent hold the same view regarding Petro Poroshenko, 51% regarding former Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, and 40% regarding the current Head of Government Volodymyr Groysman. Russia is unequivocally considered responsible for the situation in Ukraine by 52% of respondents, and the United States by 21%. Opinions on the responsibility of the Ukrainian people as a whole are divided: 9% clearly consider the people responsible, while 24% see no fault at all. Regionally, responsibility for Yanukovych, Azarov, and Russia is assessed relatively higher in western regions, while responsibility for Poroshenko and the United States is assessed higher in the East.
• Among reforms, citizens are most critical of anti-corruption efforts and healthcare reform. Nearly 80% are dissatisfied with the fight against bribery, while 5% are satisfied; dissatisfaction with healthcare reform stands at 75%, with 10% satisfied. Sixty-one percent are dissatisfied with police reform, while 21% are satisfied; dissatisfaction with judicial reform is 56%, with only 5% satisfied; dissatisfaction with education reform is 50%, with 13% satisfied; and dissatisfaction with decentralization is 36%, with 27% satisfied. Most reforms are perceived relatively more positively in western regions. Younger respondents tend to view government initiatives more positively than the oldest respondents.
• Ending hostilities in the East is the dominant demand citizens place on the next President of Ukraine (63%). Strengthening the fight against corruption is expected by 49% of respondents, industrial revival by 40%, and raising social standards by 30%. Improvements in healthcare quality, reducing the influence of oligarchs on politics, reviving the agricultural sector, strengthening national defense, and stimulating business development are expected by 11% to 19%. Improving Ukraine’s international image, reforming education and science, and protecting the Ukrainian language and culture are mentioned by 4% to 8% of respondents.
• Two thirds believe that the upcoming presidential elections in Ukraine will be dishonest. Only 12% are convinced they will be conducted fairly, while 22% are unable to answer.
• Sixty-four percent believe that presidential candidates on whose behalf material assistance is distributed to voters during elections (food packages, funds for repairs, assistance for medical treatment, etc.) should be strictly punished. Twenty-three percent hold the opposite view. A relatively higher tolerance for vote-buying is observed among respondents in the South, where one third believe such practices should not be punished. Support for distributing assistance is also relatively higher among the oldest respondents.
• Politicians’ appearances in the media are the main source from which citizens learn about presidential candidates’ programs (70%). Thirty-five percent obtain such information from relatives and acquaintances, 27% from political advertising in the media, 22% from leaflets and brochures distributed during campaigns, 19% from news websites, 17% from social networks, 16% from outdoor advertising, 13% from articles in print media, 9% from politicians’ official websites, and 8% from speeches at rallies and meetings with voters. At the same time, only 14% of respondents stated that they have ever fully read a presidential candidate’s program. Forty-nine percent said they had read them partially, while 33% said they had never fully read the programs of politicians running for the highest state office.
• Yulia Tymoshenko remains the leader of the presidential rating, with 16% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice ready to support her. Anatolii Hrytsenko is supported by 11.7%, Yurii Boiko by 10.5%, Volodymyr Zelenskyy by 9.3%, and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, Oleh Liashko, and Petro Poroshenko by 8.6% each. Vadym Rabinovych has 7.6%, Andrii Sadovyi 3.4%, Oleh Tiahnybok 2.8%, Valentyn Nalyvaichenko 2.0%, Roman Bezsmertnyi 1.4%, Serhii Taruta 1.1%, and Arsenii Yatseniuk 1.1%.
• In the “second choice” ranking, the leading positions are held by Anatolii Hrytsenko, who could receive support as an alternative to the main favorite from 7.5% of voters, followed by Volodymyr Zelenskyy (6.3%), Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (6.0%), Vadym Rabinovych (5.7%), and Yulia Tymoshenko (5.3%).
• Petro Poroshenko continues to lead the negative rating: nearly 52% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances. Thirty percent would not vote for Arsenii Yatseniuk, 23.8% for Oleh Liashko, 23% for Yurii Boiko, 20.8% for Yulia Tymoshenko, 16.0% for Vadym Rabinovych, and 14.7% for Oleh Tiahnybok.
• The party rating is led by Batkivshchyna, which is supported by 17% of those who intend to vote and have decided. The second position is shared by the Opposition Bloc, Civic Position, and the Servant of the People party, each with about 10.5%. The For Life party is supported by 9.6%, the Radical Party by 8.2%, BPP Solidarity by 7.4%, Samopomich by 5.1%, and Svoboda by 3.8%. Other parties have ratings below 2%.
• Support for Ukraine’s accession to the European Union and NATO remains stable: 51% support EU membership and 29% oppose it; 44% support Euro-Atlantic integration and 36% oppose it.

•    According to the results of the research carried out by the Sociological group "Rating", the number of those who support market relations rather than planned economy has been gradually increasing in the country. The highest support for the market development is observed among the residents of the West. At the same time, in the East, despite the fact that almost every third supports the return to the planned economy, two-thirds still stand for the market. Support for the return to the planned economy is relatively higher among the older respondents, women, unemployed, people with lower incomes and lower education level.

•    Over the last five years, the demand for entrepreneurship has grown more than one and a half times. These days, almost a half of the polled would like to have their own business. The highest number of those who would like to become an entrepreneur was recorded among young respondents: almost three-quarters are willing to engage in their own business. Men, employed persons, those with higher incomes and education level are also more interested in entrepreneurship. Interestingly, among those who said that they had job, every tenth is already engaged in his/her own business.

•    Among those who would like to have their own business, the assessment of the prospects for starting own business in the nearest future has improved. These days, 22% of those who would like to engage in entrepreneurship stated a significant chance of opening a business in the nearest future (in the past surveys, the number of such respondents was no more than 6%). 41% of the respondents stated little chance to run own business, and 31% - total lack of such chance. Considering the regional context, relatively higher number of those thinking of real prospects of starting a business in the nearest future was recorded in the South and West. Also, the number of such respondents is higher among those of young and middle age, people with high income (41%) and those with higher education. The poorest, unemployed, and elderly people often state that there is no any chance to start their own business.
 

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, over the ten years since the introduction of External Independent Testing (EIT, ZNO) for admission to higher education institutions in Ukraine, public attitudes toward it have improved significantly. In May 2008, only about one quarter of respondents supported (definitely or rather supported) the introduction of EIT instead of university entrance exams. By May of this year, this figure had reached 52%, and nearly 75% among those who had personally taken the EIT tests.
• The younger the respondents and the higher their levels of income and education, the more likely they are to support the idea of replacing entrance exams with EIT. Support is also somewhat higher in western regions and among those who have experience with EIT (either personally or through their children or grandchildren), and somewhat lower in the East and among those without such experience.
• A similar trend is observed in assessments of the fairness of EIT. Ten years ago, only 26% believed that EIT allows for a fairer assessment of applicants’ knowledge, whereas this year the share of optimistic respondents reached 52%. Importantly, belief in the fairness of EIT is much more common among those who have taken the tests themselves (70%) than among those without such experience (45%).
• Forty percent believe that admission to higher education institutions is possible without corruption, which is almost double the level recorded in 2008 (22%). Moreover, 46% believe that the introduction of EIT helps combat corruption in university admissions, compared to 19% in 2008. Once again, optimism is more prevalent among younger and middle-aged respondents, those with higher incomes and education, residents of western regions, and those who have experience taking EIT and generally support it.
• Nearly half of respondents (48%) believe that EIT creates equal conditions for admission to higher education institutions for everyone, regardless of financial means. At the same time, 31% hold the opposite view, and one in five are undecided. Interestingly, belief in equal conditions is more common among people with middle and high incomes than among the poor and low-income groups, and more common among younger people than among the older generation. In addition, 38% of respondents are definitely or rather convinced that the introduction of EIT has improved the quality of secondary and higher education in Ukraine (somewhat more often among those who have experience taking EIT), while the same share believes the opposite, and one quarter are undecided.
• At the same time, 45% of respondents do not rule out the possibility that falsification of EIT results may occur. Twenty-six percent do not believe this is possible, and another 30% could not answer. Skepticism is more often observed among residents of western regions, men, and those who do not support EIT. Notably, distrust in EIT is somewhat higher among parents than among those who have personally taken the tests.
• According to respondents, the main advantages of EIT are objectivity of assessment through the elimination of the human factor (32%), reduction of corruption in university admissions (28%), and ensuring equal access to higher education regardless of an applicant’s financial situation (27%). About 20–21% also cite bringing Ukrainian education closer to European standards and improving the efficiency of student selection for higher education institutions, while 16% mention improving the quality of secondary and higher education. Thirteen percent believe EIT has no advantages at all, and one in five are undecided.
• At the same time, the main disadvantages of EIT identified by respondents include the difficulty and imperfection of the tests (31%), the need for additional tutoring (29%), and frequent changes to testing rules (26%). One in five considers the deepening inequality between ordinary and privileged schools to be a major drawback, 17% point to a decline in the quality of school education, 16% to the inability to assess students’ creative abilities, and 14% to imperfections in the grading system. Only 5% believe that EIT has no disadvantages, while one quarter are undecided.
• More than half (52%) of those who personally took EIT or whose children did so used private tutors in preparation for the tests, while 43% did not. Tutoring services were used more often by people with higher incomes and by urban residents, while no significant regional differences were found.
• Forty-one percent of respondents support the decision not to administer EIT in the subject “Russian language” starting in 2018, while 35% oppose this initiative and another quarter are undecided. The highest support for this decision is found among residents of western regions, rural residents, young people (under 25), wealthier respondents, and those who generally support EIT and have experience with it or whose children plan to enter higher education institutions in the near future. In contrast, the strongest opposition is observed in the East and South, among the oldest and poorest respondents, and among those who do not support EIT, have not taken it, and whose children do not plan to enter higher education institutions in the near future.
• At the same time, nearly half (47%) support the idea of introducing a mandatory EIT test in a foreign language, while 27% oppose it and an equal share are undecided. This idea is more popular among parents of prospective applicants, urban residents, and wealthier citizens than among those whose children are not yet planning to apply, rural residents, and lower-income groups.
• Eleven percent of respondents reported that their children intend to enter higher education institutions within the next three years, while 85% do not have such plans. The highest share of those whose children plan to apply to universities is found among middle-aged respondents, those with higher incomes, and residents of western regions.
• Over the past ten years, 12% of respondents have personally taken EIT tests, and another 20% reported that their children or grandchildren have done so. Two thirds of respondents under the age of 35 have had experience taking these tests within the last ten years.

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, half of Kyiv residents believe that affairs in the city are moving in the wrong direction, while 33% hold the opposite view and 17% are undecided. The highest share of optimistic assessments is found among young people under 35 and wealthier residents, while the lowest is among older and the poorest respondents.
• Forty-five percent of respondents expressed dissatisfaction with the performance of the city mayor, Vitali Klitschko, while 40% expressed satisfaction. Twenty-two percent are satisfied with the work of the city council, whereas 63% are dissatisfied.
• Thirty-two percent are satisfied with the work of educational institutions and 46% are dissatisfied. Satisfaction with medical institutions is lower, with 22% satisfied and 68% dissatisfied. The work of municipal services is assessed most critically, with 22% satisfied and 74% dissatisfied.
• Kyiv residents consider the military conflict in eastern Ukraine (53%) and rising utility tariffs (51%) to be the most important problems. Low wages and pensions are considered a personal problem by 28%, corruption in central government by 20%, while rising crime, increasing prices for basic goods, unemployment, inability to obtain quality medical care, and corruption in courts, police, and prosecution services concern between 12% and 15%. Other issues worry fewer than 10% of respondents. Over the past year, the number of those concerned about rising tariffs and prices, low wages or pensions, and access to quality medical care has declined. At the same time, the share of respondents who view the war in the East, rising crime, and corruption in courts, police, and prosecution as problems has increased.
• The biggest city-level problem for Kyiv residents is the cost of utility services (57%). Drug addiction and alcoholism concern 35%, public transport fares 32%, poor road conditions 30%, rising crime and traffic congestion 22% each. Illegal construction, low professional standards of medical staff, stray animals, housing conditions, lack of places in kindergartens, and poor sidewalk conditions concern between 10% and 17% of respondents. Other city problems worry fewer than 10% of Kyiv residents.
• Fifty-five percent believe that the crime situation in the city has worsened over the past year, 25% say it has not changed, and only 7% report improvement. Over the year, the share of those who say the situation has worsened has slightly decreased.
• Two thirds of respondents do not regret the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, while 24% hold the opposite view. Nostalgia for the USSR is most common among older people and the poorest respondents.
• Over the past year, overall attitudes toward the renaming of streets in Kyiv as part of decommunization have slightly improved. Nevertheless, 65% still believe that streets named after Soviet figures should not be renamed. Twenty-two percent think that only names associated with individuals who committed crimes against the Ukrainian people and for which there is documented evidence should be changed, while 9% support a complete renaming of streets associated with Soviet history.
• Forty percent of Kyiv residents say they would not mind changing their place of residence to a city in the European Union, while 55% do not have such a desire. Eighteen percent would like to move from Kyiv to another city in Ukraine, and only 7% would like to move to cities in Russia.
• Sixty-two percent would not like to move abroad permanently, while 35% are open to the idea. The highest share of those willing to leave permanently is among young people and the wealthiest respondents (over 40%). At the same time, 43% would like to go abroad for work, while 55% have no such intentions. Again, the youngest and wealthiest most often express a desire to work or find employment abroad.
• Eighty-four percent of Kyiv residents are proud of their city, while only 12% express the opposite view. The main reason for pride is Kyiv’s history (65%). The city’s natural attractiveness and cultural life are cited by 41–42%, and opportunities for self-realization by 30%. International status, education and science, sports life, and living conditions are sources of pride for 13–18%. Only 10% are proud of the city’s economic development, and 9% believe there is nothing to be proud of at all. Native Kyiv residents more often cite the city’s history and nature as reasons for pride, while those who moved to Kyiv more recently more often mention cultural life, opportunities for self-realization, international status, education and science, and sports.
• Among the city’s opportunities, residents rate leisure opportunities the highest. Slightly lower but still at a high level are opportunities for sports, cultural and educational activities, and self-realization. Opportunities for earning income are rated less favorably: 42% are rather satisfied, 29% dissatisfied, and about one third rate them as average.
• Forty-six percent of Kyiv residents plan to celebrate Kyiv Day this year, while 49% do not. A somewhat higher share of those wishing to participate in festive events is found among older respondents and those who are proud of the city.

 The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on order of the International Republican Institute.  

Data was collected throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and part of the Donbas) from March 15-31, 2018. The sample consisted of 2,400 residents of Ukraine aged 18 and olderand eligible to vote.The sample is representative by gender, age, region, and settlement size.

The margin of error does not exceed 2,0%. Average response rate was 65,4%.

English version of the report can be downloaded from the IRI.

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, 75% of respondents believe that affairs in Ukraine are moving in the wrong direction, while 14% hold the opposite view and 11% are undecided. Relatively less pessimism is expressed by residents of Kyiv and the Podillia cluster (Vinnytsia and Khmelnytskyi regions), while the highest level of criticism is observed in the southern and eastern regions.
• Demand for change is gradually increasing. Today, almost 70% of respondents believe the country needs radical transformations; another 10% think it is better to keep things as they are, as long as they do not worsen; while 16% favor a return to the way things were in the past. In almost all electoral groups—except supporters of the current authorities—the number of those demanding change exceeds the number favoring stability or a return to the past. A relatively higher demand for a backward turn is found among supporters of Yurii Boiko, Vadym Rabinovych, and Oleh Liashko (over 20%), while a preference for stability is most common among supporters of Petro Poroshenko (45%). The strongest demand for change is among younger respondents (under 40), wealthier and more educated individuals, as well as those seeking political change and looking for alternatives among “new” parties in upcoming elections—particularly supporters of Sviatoslav Vakarchuk and Volodymyr Zelenskyi. At the same time, demand for radical change remains high across other categories as well.
• Society is showing a growing demand for modernization of the political environment. In 2012, half of respondents were ready to support parties represented in parliament and only 21% wanted to replace them. By April of the current year, the situation had reversed: 46% expressed readiness to support new political projects, while only about one third would vote for parliamentary parties. Demand for political change is highest among youth, wealthier respondents, and urban residents. Even among supporters of “old” parties, at least one third are ready to seek alternatives.
• Ending military hostilities in eastern Ukraine and strengthening the fight against corruption are the two main expectations from the future President of Ukraine. Additionally, 38% expect the revival of industry, nearly one quarter expect improvements in healthcare quality and social standards, 16% expect a reduction in oligarchic influence on politics, 11% expect revival of the agricultural sector, and 7% expect stimulation of business development.
• New faces in Ukrainian politics enjoy the highest levels of public trust. Thirty-three percent trust Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (47% do not), while 32% trust Volodymyr Zelenskyi (50% do not). Trust levels for other politicians are as follows: Anatolii Hrytsenko—26%, Yuliia Tymoshenko—20%, Oleh Liashko—17%, Yurii Boiko—18%, Volodymyr Hroisman—17%, Andrii Sadovyi—17%, Vadym Rabinovych—14%, Valentyn Nalyvaichenko—14%, Petro Poroshenko—13%, Oleh Tiahnybok—11%, and Arsenii Yatseniuk—8%.
• In the presidential rating among all respondents, Yuliia Tymoshenko leads with about 9%, followed by Anatolii Hrytsenko at 7%. Yurii Boiko, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, and Volodymyr Zelenskyi each receive around 6%; Petro Poroshenko and Oleh Liashko—5%; Vadym Rabinovych—4%; Andrii Sadovyi—2%; Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, Oleh Tiahnybok, and Arsenii Yatseniuk—1% each. Eleven percent would support another candidate, while about one third are undecided or do not intend to vote.
• Among those who intend to vote and have made a choice, support is as follows: Yuliia Tymoshenko—about 14%, Anatolii Hrytsenko—11%, Yurii Boiko, Petro Poroshenko, and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk—9% each, Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Oleh Liashko—8% each, and Vadym Rabinovych—6%.
• Volodymyr Zelenskyi leads the so-called “second choice” ranking: up to 6% would support him if their primary favorite were absent. About 4% would then vote for Yuliia Tymoshenko, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, Anatolii Hrytsenko, or Oleh Liashko; around 2% would choose Vadym Rabinovych, Yurii Boiko, Andrii Sadovyi, Oleh Tiahnybok, Petro Poroshenko, or Valentyn Nalyvaichenko.
• Supporters of “new” candidates, if their favorite does not participate, are more likely to vote for other “new faces” rather than long-standing political figures. At least one third of Vakarchuk’s supporters would vote for Zelenskyi under such circumstances.
• Petro Poroshenko leads the anti-rating: nearly half of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances. Anti-ratings are also high for Arsenii Yatseniuk (26%), Oleh Liashko (25%), Yuliia Tymoshenko (24%), Oleh Tiahnybok (18%), Yurii Boiko (17%), and Vadym Rabinovych (16%).
• The party rating is led by Batkivshchyna, supported by about 9% of all respondents. The Opposition Bloc, Volodymyr Zelenskyi’s Servant of the People, and Anatolii Hrytsenko’s Civic Position each receive around 6%. The Radical Party, For Life, and Petro Poroshenko Bloc–Solidarity each have about 5%, Samopomich—3%, and Svoboda and the Agrarian Party—2% each. Other parties together account for about 14%, while over one third are undecided or do not plan to vote.
• Among those who intend to vote and have decided, support for parties is as follows: Batkivshchyna—16%, Civic Position and the Opposition Bloc—10% each, Servant of the People—9%, For Life, the Radical Party, and BPP–Solidarity—8% each, and Samopomich—5%. Parties closest to passing the electoral threshold are Svoboda (4%), the Agrarian Party (3%), and UKROP (2%).
• The most common motivation for choosing a political party is support for its socio-economic initiatives. Seventeen percent choose based on sympathy for the party leader, and 11% based on ideological principles. Over recent years, demand for socio-economic initiatives has increased significantly, while the importance of ideology has declined.
• Society is gradually moving away from paternalistic expectations toward greater individual activity and internal locus of responsibility. In 2011, nearly 80% believed the government should be responsible for ensuring citizens’ livelihoods; today, fewer than 60% hold this view. Paternalistic values are strongest among the oldest and poorest respondents, while individual responsibility is more common among the youngest and wealthiest. Higher education also contributes to these value shifts.
• Views on income equalization have changed similarly. Seven years ago, nearly 70% supported such initiatives; today, support has halved. Instead, support is growing for stimulating individual activity by creating opportunities to increase income.
• By contrast, views on reducing the share of state ownership in business and industry show weaker dynamics. In 2011, 61% supported increasing state ownership; in 2017 this fell to 52%, but in 2018 it rose again to 58%.
• Despite value shifts, amid economic and political crises there is a growing demand for order—even at the cost of limiting democratic principles and freedoms. Seventy percent support such an approach (up from 63% last year). Only 15% favor greater freedom and democracy without order (down from 22% in 2017). Demand for order is highest among the oldest, poorest, and less educated, though even among the youngest, wealthiest, and most educated, at least 60% favor order.
• Against the backdrop of rising perceptions of local corruption, tolerance for corruption is declining. Over the past five years, those who believe corruption is increasing rose from 49% to 61%. At the same time, the share who consider bribery justified to resolve personally important issues fell from 37% to 13%. The share who personally gave bribes also declined from 27% in 2013 to 22% in 2018. Bribery is most common among respondents aged 30–50 and among wealthier and more educated individuals.
• Attitudes toward corruption as a phenomenon are also changing. More respondents now view corruption as a disease that hinders Ukraine’s development (55%), while fewer see it as a necessary mechanism for society’s functioning (39%). Support for the latter view is highest among the youngest (under 40), the most educated, and the wealthiest. Nearly half of those who personally gave bribes in the past year share this belief, and about one third justify bribery for personal purposes.
• An absolute majority of respondents (at least 75%) believe punishment for corruption among central government officials, law enforcement, tax and customs officials, and local authorities should be very severe (imprisonment, confiscation of property), with harsher penalties for higher-ranking officials. Between 11% and 18% believe penalties should be limited to fines or dismissal, and only 1–2% support mild punishments. Attitudes toward teachers and medical workers are more lenient: 44% support severe punishment, 32% moderate punishment, and 15% oppose any criminal liability for bribery among educators and doctors.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group among adult residents of Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil, and Lutsk who worked in Poland during the past five years, more than half of those with experience of labor migration to the neighboring country traveled there for work no more than three times (25% no more than once, 34% two to three times). Thirteen percent reported traveling for work from three to five times, 18% more than five times, and 7% said they work there almost on a permanent basis. Slightly greater experience of staying abroad was recorded among men, older respondents (aged 51 and over), and individuals with secondary education.
• More than half of respondents stated that the longest period they stayed working in Poland was from one to three months (9% less than one month, 49% from one to three months). One quarter said their longest stay was from three to six months, 14% from six months to one year, and 3% worked for more than one year. The largest share of those who stayed the longest in Poland is among the oldest respondents and those who had traveled there for work more than three times.
• Seventy-seven percent of respondents stated that in Poland they mainly performed physical labor, 16% worked in the service sector, 3% were engaged in intellectual work, and only 1% held managerial positions. Men almost universally (89%) performed physical labor, with only 6% working in services. Among women, 63% performed physical labor and 28% worked in services. The higher the level of education, the more often respondents found jobs in the service sector or were engaged in intellectual work.
• Thirty-four percent worked in agriculture in Poland, 32% in construction or repair work. Eight percent performed domestic work, 7% worked in the restaurant business, 5% in hotels, and 4% cared for elderly people, persons with disabilities, or others. Three percent were engaged in other types of activity, and less than 3% worked in other service jobs. Women and the oldest respondents more often worked in agriculture, while men, youth, and middle-aged respondents more often worked in construction and repair. Compared to men, women more often worked in domestic jobs, the restaurant sector, care for the elderly and people with disabilities, childcare, and services. The higher the level of education, the more often labor migrants found jobs not related to agriculture or construction.
• More than 80% searched for work through relatives and acquaintances: 66% through close contacts in Ukraine and 21% in Poland. Only 10% used Ukrainian employment agencies and 3% Polish agencies. Six percent found work through advertisements in Ukrainian media, 2% through Polish media, and 5% via social networks (Facebook, LinkedIn, etc.). Less than 1% used state employment services in Ukraine or Poland.
• The main channel for job search for all respondent categories is primarily close contacts in Ukraine. At the same time, younger respondents more often than others used Ukrainian agencies, advertisements in domestic media, and social networks.
• Fifty-three percent of respondents named geographical proximity as the main reason for choosing Poland (rather than another country) for employment. Forty-four percent indicated higher wages as the motivation, 34% a low language barrier, and 30% the presence of family members or acquaintances already in Poland. Twenty-one percent chose Poland because there are more job offers there than in other countries. Stable political and economic conditions, cultural and historical proximity, or the inability to choose another European country were cited by 6–7%. Three percent saw opportunities for education or better prospects for personal development. Higher wages and a larger number of job offers more often motivated youth and middle-aged respondents, and somewhat more often men. Women more often chose Poland due to the low language barrier and the presence of relatives there.
• Thirty-nine percent believe that the most difficult aspect of working in Poland is prolonged separation from family. Thirty-two percent complain about long working hours per day, 28% about difficult working conditions, and 24% about the lack of social protection for Ukrainian labor migrants. Fourteen percent consider negative attitudes toward Ukrainians by Poles a problem, 13% administrative formalities in document processing, 12% the language barrier, 9% lack of days off, 8% poor living conditions, 4% conflicts with supervisors or employers, and 3% conflicts with colleagues. Separation from family is more often cited by middle-aged and oldest respondents, long working hours by younger respondents. Family-related difficulties are also more significant for women and for those who have traveled to Poland more than three times. The language barrier is mentioned less often by older respondents and those with repeated work experience in Poland.
• Two thirds never sent money to their families in Ukraine while working in Poland. Another 15% refused to answer this question. Six percent sent up to 500 zlotys per month, 8% sent 500–1,000 zlotys, and 11% sent more than 1,000 zlotys. The more often respondents worked in Poland, the larger the amounts they sent to their families.
• Forty-five percent stated that their monthly living expenses in Poland averaged between 200 and 500 zlotys. Twenty-two percent spent up to 200 zlotys, and 19% more than 500 zlotys. Fifteen percent could not answer.
• The most common additional non-wage benefits offered by employers were accommodation (58%). Thirty-five percent received free meals, 34% transportation to the workplace, and 28% internet access. Thirteen percent received assistance with document preparation for official registration, 12% mobile communication. Seven percent received social benefits (insurance, relocation assistance, etc.), and 5% educational services (Polish language courses or vocational training). Fifteen percent said they were offered nothing beyond wages.
• Among services used while working in Poland, respondents most often used mobile communication (72%). Fifty percent used the internet, 32% television. Thirteen percent used money transfer services, housing search and rental, and banks; 9% insurance services; and 7% private medical care. Other services such as car repair, freight transport, legal services, or car rental were used by no more than 2%. Those who had been to Poland more than three times more often used mobile communication, money transfers, banking services, housing rental, and insurance.
• Half of respondents (52%) generally rate Polish employers as good or very good, 38% gave neutral ratings, and only 8% rated them as bad or very bad. Women, wealthier respondents, and those who had worked in Poland more often rate Polish employers more positively.
• Similar trends are observed in assessments of coworkers: more than half (58%) rated them as good or very good, 36% neutral, and 4% bad or very bad. Wealthier respondents tend to rate coworkers more positively.
• Only 4% stated that they plan to purchase or already own real estate in Poland (mostly those who had worked there more than three times). The vast majority have no such plans (88% said they do not plan to, and 8% did not answer). A similar pattern applies to plans to establish a business or economic activity in Poland: only 3% reported such plans, 89% do not, and 9% could not answer.
• • Sixty-three percent said they plan to go to Poland for work again in the near future, 19% said they do not, and the same share could not answer. The highest share of those planning to return soon is among respondents who had worked in Poland more than three times.
• Seventy-four percent said they do not plan to move to Poland for permanent residence in the next few years. Eleven percent reported such plans, again most often among those who had been to Poland many times.
• Among countries where labor migrants would most like to work, 30% chose Poland, 27% Germany, 22% the United States, 20% Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark), 18% the Czech Republic, 13% the United Kingdom, 12% Canada, and 7% each the Netherlands and Belgium. Other countries were chosen by no more than 6%. Poland is more often chosen by older respondents, men, and those with secondary education. The United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Scandinavian countries are more attractive to respondents with higher education.
• Two thirds of respondents believe that the introduction of a visa-free regime with the European Union has made it easier for Ukrainians to search for jobs and find employment abroad. Only 7% hold the opposite view, while one quarter could not answer. Slightly more positive assessments of the impact of visa-free travel on employment opportunities were recorded among women, people with higher education, and those who had been to Poland no more than once.

A more detailed report on the attitudes of Ukrainian labor migrants in Poland and Polish employers’ views of Ukrainian workers is available on the website of the recruitment company Personnel Service at personnelservice.pl/en/press-office/reports.

The Fourth In-Depth Look at Ukrainian Local Governance

This annual survey provides an extensivelook at citizen attitudes about local governance and municipal services.

Polling was conducted in the 22 regional capitals of Ukraine not under the control of Russian or Russian-backed forces, as well as in the cities of Mariupol and Severodonetskin the Donbas region.The survey is based on a sample size of more than 19,000 respondents.

The findings will inform future discussions on decentralization, anti-corruption initiatives and other reforms set forth by the pro-European government in Kyiv.

‍

Fourth annual Ukrainian Municipal Survey from Ratinggroup

• According to the results of a study conducted by Rating Group, 17% of respondents said that their relatives had worked abroad as labor migrants during the previous six months, while 11% reported that members of their family were permanently employed abroad. At the same time, 70% stated that none of their close relatives had worked abroad during this period, and 2% were unable to answer.
• The highest share of respondents with family members who have experience of working abroad was recorded in the Western macro-region, especially in Zakarpattia. Such responses were also relatively more common among rural residents and among respondents with higher levels of income.
• Overall, 65% of respondents said they do not want to change their country of residence, while 27% reported that they are considering emigration. The desire to move abroad was most common among young people under the age of 35, among whom nearly half expressed such intentions. Men, respondents with higher levels of education, and those with higher incomes were also somewhat more inclined to consider leaving the country. Notably, among respondents who have labor migrants in their families, the intention to emigrate is significantly higher.
• A relatively larger share of those who would like to leave Ukraine was recorded in the northern regions (Zhytomyr and Sumy oblasts and the city of Kyiv) as well as in the western regions (Zakarpattia, Ternopil, and Chernivtsi oblasts).
• When asked about the country in which they would prefer their children to live, half of the respondents (50%) named Ukraine. Another quarter chose European countries, 7% selected the United States, 3% mentioned other countries, and only 2% named Russia. Thirteen percent of respondents were unable to give a definite answer.
• Ukraine was more often chosen as the preferred country for children by older respondents, rural residents, and those with lower income levels. In contrast, younger, wealthier, and more highly educated respondents were more likely to prefer other countries, most often in the West, as a place of residence for the next generation. The presence of labor migrants in the family also strongly affects this choice: almost half of respondents who have relatives working abroad would prefer their children to live outside Ukraine rather than in their home country.
• The highest proportions of respondents who see living abroad as more desirable for their children were recorded in Sumy, Zhytomyr, Chernihiv, Ternopil, Zakarpattia, and Ivano-Frankivsk oblasts, as well as in the city of Kyiv.

• According to a study conducted by Rating Group, 59% of respondents believe that the country needs radical change. Another 15% think things should remain as they are, so long as they do not get worse, and the same share would prefer a return to how things were in the past. Support for radical change is strongest among residents of Halychyna, while nostalgia for the past is most common in the non-occupied areas of Donbas, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, Odesa, and Zaporizhzhia. Even in these regions, however, expectations of radical change significantly outweigh other attitudes.
• A quarter of respondents expect their family’s life to improve over the next five years. Thirty-seven percent believe it will remain unchanged, 18% expect it to worsen, and 21% were unable to assess their family’s future prospects. Optimism is most widespread in the western regions and in the capital area (Kyiv and Kyiv Oblast), although even there it is not dominant, as at least half believe their family’s situation will either stay the same or deteriorate.
• The most important problem for the country, in the view of respondents, is the military conflict in eastern Ukraine (75%). Almost half also point to bribery and corruption in government. Unemployment is named by 28%, while 19% mention rising prices for goods and low wages or pensions. Seventeen percent point to social inequality and the gap between rich and poor. Fifteen percent refer to rising utility tariffs and an insufficient level of social protection, 12% to rising crime and the inability to access quality medical care, 8% to unfavorable conditions for small and medium-sized businesses, 6% to a lack of freedom and democracy, and 4% to the inability to obtain a quality education.
• At the personal level, the most pressing issues are low wages and pensions (52%), rising prices and inflation (51%), and higher utility tariffs (50%). Around one in five also cite the war in eastern Ukraine, lack of access to quality healthcare, and unemployment as personal problems. About 14–15% mention insufficient social protection and corruption, and 11% point to social inequality. Other issues concern fewer than 8% of respondents.
• More than 90% of respondents assessed the political situation in the country as either critical or tense (33% and 59% respectively), with only 3% describing it as calm. High levels of perceived tension were recorded in all regions without exception.
• Despite this high level of social strain, a relative majority favors constructive rather than radical ways of resolving the crisis. Forty-four percent believe that real criminal investigations into corruption at the highest levels of government would most help reduce tensions. Thirty-seven percent say that projects aimed at improving people’s material conditions and living standards would help, and 35% point to real progress in Donbas, such as a ceasefire or the release of prisoners. Twenty percent believe broader public oversight of government actions would also reduce tensions.
• In the presidential рейтинги, Yuliya Tymoshenko leads, with 18.7% of those who would participate in elections and have decided on their choice saying they would vote for her. Petro Poroshenko is supported by 15.6%, Yurii Boiko by 11.7%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 9.7%, Oleh Liashko by 8.7%, Vadym Rabinovych by 8.3%, Andrii Sadovyi by 6.4%, Oleh Tyahnybok by 3.9%, and Arsenii Yatseniuk by 1.7%. Another 15.3% would vote for other candidates not listed.
• Tymoshenko leads in almost all regions of Central Ukraine and parts of the West, and is among the top three candidates in nearly every region. Poroshenko has strong positions in parts of the West and in Kyiv, while Boiko leads in most regions of the South and East.
• Support for Tymoshenko is relatively even across the Center, North, West, and part of the South. Poroshenko’s strongest support is in Vinnytsia Oblast, somewhat lower in the West and Center, and lower still in the South. Hrytsenko’s base is mainly in parts of the West, Kyiv Oblast, and Cherkasy Oblast. Liashko is strongest in the North and in Bukovyna, Sadovyi in Halychyna, Volyn, and Khmelnytskyi, while Rabinovych and Boiko draw their support primarily from the South and East, with Boiko’s voters more concentrated in the industrial eastern regions.
• Modeling a second-round presidential runoff between Tymoshenko and Poroshenko shows that 30% of those intending to participate in the main election would vote for Tymoshenko, while 23% would support Poroshenko. Twenty-eight percent would refuse to participate in such a second round, and 19% are undecided. Poroshenko would win in only three regions—Vinnytsia, Khmelnytskyi, and Chernivtsi—while the candidates would receive roughly equal support in Rivne, Cherkasy, Kirovohrad, Donetsk oblasts and Kyiv. Tymoshenko would win in the remaining seventeen regions.
• The pro-European vector dominates in almost all regions except Odesa, Kharkiv, and Donbas. Overall, 52% would support EU membership in a referendum, 27% would oppose it, and 20% would either be undecided or not vote.
• Support for NATO membership has increased by one and a half times over the past three years. Today 43% support joining the Alliance, while 34% oppose it, and nearly a quarter are undecided or would not vote. Support for NATO is lower in the South and East and is weakest among the oldest respondents.
• One third of respondents regret the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, while 55% do not feel nostalgic for it. Nostalgia is strongest in the South and East and weakest in the West, and it correlates regionally with opposition to NATO membership.
• Pro-Western and pro-Ukrainian orientations are clearly dominant in society. At least half of respondents want their children to live in Ukraine, about one third would choose the European Union, 7% the United States, and only 2% Russia, a pattern broadly consistent across regions.
• Forty-seven percent say they use Ukrainian at home, 29% use both Ukrainian and Russian, 24% use Russian, and 1% another language. Exclusive use of Ukrainian is most common in the West, North, and Center, while Russian is more prevalent in Odesa, Kharkiv, and Donbas; elsewhere both languages are widely used.
• Support for Ukrainian as the sole state language continues to grow: 61% now favor it, compared with 47% in 2014. Another 20% support granting Russian official status in certain regions, while 15% favor making Russian a state language. Support for granting Russian any special status is highest in the South and East.
• Forty-three percent believe Ukraine should become a major agricultural power, and the same share believe it should focus on high-technology industries and manufacturing. The agricultural path is more popular in the West and Center, while technological development is favored in the East, South, and in the capital.
• The idea of allowing the sale of agricultural land is not supported by society: 77% oppose it, only about 10% support it, and 13% are undecided.
• Half of respondents think Ukraine should be a parliamentary-presidential republic, 17% prefer a purely parliamentary system, 14% a presidential one, and 20% are undecided.
• Only 28% believe Ukraine needs a dictatorship led by a strong leader, while 56% oppose dictatorship and 16% are undecided.
• Two thirds support a unitary state, 19% favor a federal structure, and 19% are undecided. Support for federalism is highest in Mykolaiv, Odesa, and Kharkiv oblasts, though even there supporters of a unitary state still predominate.
• Regarding ways to resolve the Donbas issue, most respondents support peaceful initiatives. Thirty-two percent favor a ceasefire and recognition of the territories as temporarily occupied, and 21% favor granting them federal status within Ukraine. Eight percent support separation from Ukraine, and 18% are undecided. At the same time, 21% believe military action should continue until full restoration of Ukrainian control, especially in the West and Center, although even there peaceful approaches prevail.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group in November–December 2017, 43% of respondents said that the overall quality of public healthcare services in the country had deteriorated over the past two years. Only 11% reported improvement, 38% believed that nothing had changed, and 8% were unable to answer. At the same time, compared with the previous year, the share of those who speak about deterioration in this sphere has decreased.
• Fifty-four percent of respondents know their family doctor or therapist, while 45% do not. Awareness is highest among women and older people. Thirty-one percent use the services of a family doctor or pediatrician, while 20% do not. Residents of rural areas, as well as those living in the South and the Center of the country, turn to pediatricians more often.
• One third of respondents used ambulance services during the past year. City residents, people in the Central and Southern regions, and older respondents relied on ambulance services more frequently. Among those who used emergency services, 72% were satisfied with the quality of care and the professionalism of ambulance teams, about a quarter were dissatisfied, and 3% were undecided.
• Among the reforms and legislative changes adopted by the Verkhovna Rada in autumn 2017, the highest awareness was recorded for pension and healthcare reforms: 86–88% of respondents had heard about them. Sixty-nine percent were aware of education reform and 64% of judicial reform.
• Among government initiatives in healthcare, the best-known are the introduction of free (or low-co-payment) medicines for diabetes, asthma, and cardiovascular diseases on a doctor’s prescription (74%), and the introduction of nationwide health insurance (71%). About two thirds are aware of initiatives to raise doctors’ salaries through contract-based mechanisms and to introduce contracts between patients and doctors. Fifty-five percent know about the creation of hospital districts with one multidisciplinary hospital in each oblast and several intensive-care hospitals, 53% know about the creation of Public Health Centers in each region, and 51% know about the introduction of reference pricing for medicines. Awareness is lower regarding stricter control of public funds for building Okhmatdyt (47%) and lowest regarding subsidies for medical services for internally displaced persons from Donbas and Crimea (39%). Overall awareness of healthcare reform initiatives increased over the previous three months.
• Among these initiatives, the highest support is for free or low-cost medicines for chronic diseases and stricter oversight of public funds for Okhmatdyt (86% and 85% respectively). Seventy-seven percent support Public Health Centers and reference pricing, 71% support nationwide health insurance, 68% support higher doctors’ salaries through contracts and subsidies for internally displaced persons, 63% support contracts for free primary care, and 48% support the creation of hospital districts.
• Support for all key elements of the healthcare reform has declined somewhat since August. Two thirds of respondents support draft laws that include all nine initiatives, 21% oppose them, and 13% are undecided. Support is higher in the West, among urban residents, youth, and people with higher incomes, and lowest in the East, among older people and rural residents.
• If given a choice of standardized treatment protocols, 54% would prefer international protocols, while only 26% would choose domestic ones and about 20% are undecided. Over the past three months, support for domestic protocols increased from 20% to 26%.
• Compared with August, the share of those who consider the Ministry of Health important for themselves and their families increased from 57% to 62%, while 31% expressed the opposite view.
• More than half of respondents (56%) trust Ukrainian television most when hearing about healthcare reform. A quarter trust Ukrainian websites, 15–16% social networks and Ukrainian newspapers, 12% Ukrainian radio, 6% Western websites, 4% Western media, and only small shares trust Russian media sources.
• In the context of healthcare reform, people trust relatives most (51%) and medical professionals (39%), while much lower trust is placed in authorities, NGOs, ministers, or politicians.
• In general, Ukrainian television is trusted by 49% of respondents, Ukrainian websites by 41%, social networks by 37%, newspapers by 33%, and radio by 29%. Trust in Russian media is very low and is higher only in the South and East. Younger people trust online sources and social media more, while older people rely mainly on television, newspapers, and radio.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group, at least two thirds of respondents (63%) are dissatisfied with state-provided medical services over the past five years. Compared to the previous year, the share of dissatisfied respondents has slightly increased, from 59% to 63. At the same time, 26% say they are satisfied with public healthcare services, which is lower than a year earlier (32%). Satisfaction with these services is somewhat higher among urban residents than among rural ones.
• Only 18% of respondents believe that the overall quality of public medical services in their region has improved over the past two years, while 15% say the quality of services they personally received has improved. Compared to last year, the share of positive evaluations has fallen by nearly one third, while the number of those who saw no changes has increased to 41% and 46% respectively. Urban residents are more likely than rural residents to report positive changes. The frequency of doctor visits also affects perceptions: the more often people seek medical care, the better they tend to rate healthcare services.
• Over the past year, there has been a slight increase in the number of respondents who positively assess the performance of public medical institutions: 42% now evaluate the quality of services positively, while 46% evaluate it negatively. The most favorable assessments come from urban residents, people under 35, those with children under 18, and wealthier respondents.
• At the same time, nearly 40% of respondents were unable to evaluate the quality of services in private healthcare facilities at all. Among those who could, 48% rated them positively and 13% negatively. Younger people, wealthier respondents, and city residents are more inclined to view private healthcare positively.
• Thirty-five percent of respondents reported having witnessed reconstruction or renovation of hospitals over the past two years, while 46% said they had not. Reports of hospital upgrades were significantly more common among those who visit doctors more frequently.
• Thirty-five percent of respondents are aware that laws have been adopted to launch healthcare reform next year, while 49% have at least heard about it. Only 15% say they know nothing about the reform. Awareness is higher among city residents, older people, women, and those with higher education.
• Thirty-three percent support the introduction of healthcare reform in Ukraine, while 39% oppose it and 28% are undecided. Support is higher among young people, men, those with higher education, and those who are informed about the reform.
• Only 22% are confident that healthcare reform will improve the healthcare system over the next two years, while 26% believe the situation will worsen and 34% expect no change. Compared to the previous year, the share of optimistic respondents has fallen by half. People over 50 are the most pessimistic. In the longer term (five to ten years), expectations are more positive: 35% expect improvement, 19% deterioration, and 23% no change, while 23% are unsure. Young people and those with higher education are the most optimistic, and one quarter of those who expect no change in the short term still believe the situation will improve in the long run.
• Thirty percent of respondents consult a doctor or medical specialist less than once a year, one quarter do so once a year or every six months, 15% at least once every three months, and only 4% consult a doctor monthly.
• A majority of respondents (58%) know who their family doctor or therapist is. Awareness is higher among women and older people. More than half of all respondents (53%) fully or partially trust their family doctor, with women and older respondents showing more trust. Among those who know their family doctor, 80% trust them.
• Seventy-eight percent believe it is necessary to consult a doctor before starting treatment. For 43% of respondents the treatment plan provided by a doctor is usually clear, and for 39% it is partly clear. Urban residents, women, those who know their doctor, and those who visit medical facilities more often are more likely to understand their prescriptions.
• Sixty-six percent of respondents fully or partially follow their doctor’s prescriptions after a consultation, while 9% make their own decisions regardless of medical advice and 5% seek a second opinion. Women are more likely than men to follow doctors’ recommendations. Compliance is much higher among those who know their doctor and especially among those who trust them.
• Most respondents trust medical professionals’ advice (87%), as well as pharmacists (71%) and relatives or acquaintances (70%). Far fewer trust information from television, the internet, newspapers, or radio. Sixteen percent trust advice from folk healers or fortune-tellers, particularly in cities and among older people, while younger respondents are more inclined to trust information from relatives and the internet.
• When choosing a healthcare facility, 51% value doctors’ professionalism and experience most, 49% trust in the doctors working there, 32% good treatment of patients by staff, and 24% modern equipment. Twenty-four percent also consider the availability of subsidized services, a figure that has grown markedly. Younger and wealthier people focus more on doctors’ professionalism and attitude, urban residents on modern equipment and speed of service, while older and low-income respondents prioritize access to benefits.
• Patterns of self-monitoring show that 15% measure their blood pressure daily, 28% several times a month, and 21% less than once a year. One third of respondents have never had blood pressure problems, while 25% experience them several times a month and 6% daily. Problems are more common among women, older people, the poor, and those under stress.
• Only 4% weigh themselves daily, while younger people and women do so more often than men and older people. Almost 40% have an ECG less than once a year, and those with blood pressure problems or frequent doctor visits are more likely to have it done. Nearly half check blood sugar and cholesterol less than once a year.
• Almost half of respondents have never sought treatment for cardiovascular diseases, while others have done so recently or in the past, more often in cities, among women, and among older people. Sixty percent do not take medication for blood pressure, and almost 90% do not take medication for blood sugar or cholesterol. Among those who have regular blood pressure problems, two thirds take blood pressure medication.
• When blood pressure problems occur, one third take doctor-prescribed medicine, 27% rely on their own experience, 11% use traditional remedies, and 11% see a doctor immediately. Half say their last blood pressure reading was normal, and two thirds report normal sugar and cholesterol levels.
• Most respondents walk outdoors daily and consume fresh fruits and vegetables frequently, though many also regularly eat meat, sweets, fried and fatty foods, and sugary drinks. Alcohol consumption is generally moderate, with nearly half drinking once a month or less and almost one quarter abstaining entirely. Only 15% exercise daily, while 42% do not exercise at all. Three quarters do not smoke, though smoking is much more common among young people and men.
• Most respondents recognize the health risks of excess weight and high blood pressure and agree that healthy eating, not smoking, moderate alcohol use, physical activity, and preventive checkups are essential for preventing cardiovascular disease. Information about prevention is most often received from television, doctors, and medical facilities, although nearly half report not receiving any such information recently.
• Thirty-seven percent rate cardiovascular care in their locality positively, while 13% rate it negatively and nearly half have never used such services. Urban residents, older people, and frequent patients give better ratings. Most people do not seek such care outside their home city.
• In case of cardiovascular problems, most people turn to district or city hospitals, followed by regional hospitals, clinics, or family doctors. District hospitals receive the highest quality ratings, followed by the Rivne Regional Clinical Hospital and local clinics. Nearly half of respondents believe there are too few facilities for treating cardiovascular disease, especially in rural areas.
• Most respondents are unaware that Rivne Oblast participates in a World Bank and Ministry of Health project to improve cardiovascular care, although the majority consider the project important and many expect it to improve the situation.
• Most respondents obtain medical information from doctors, followed by family and friends, pharmacists, and television, with far fewer relying on the internet or other sources.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group in November 2017, the leader in party electoral preferences is the Fatherland (Batkivshchyna) party, which 16.8% of decided voters who intend to participate in the election said they would support. Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity” is backed by 14.5%, the Opposition Bloc by 9.4%, the For Life party by 8.9%, the Radical Party by 7.7%, Civic Position by 6.8%, Samopomich by 6.5%, and Svoboda by 5.6%. All other parties score below 3%.
• In the parties’ “anti-rating,” the Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity” leads, as 22.5% of those who plan to vote said they would never support it under any circumstances. The Opposition Bloc is rejected by 11.5%, the Radical Party by 7.4%, Fatherland by 6.2%, the People’s Front by 6.1%, and Svoboda by 4.0%.
• In the presidential ranking, Yuliya Tymoshenko is in first place, with 15.8% of decided voters willing to vote for her. She is followed by Petro Poroshenko with 13.8%, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk with 9.6%, Vadym Rabinovych with 8.4%, Anatolii Hrytsenko with 8.3%, Oleh Liashko with 8.0%, Yurii Boiko with 7.0%, Oleh Tyahnybok with 4.7%, and both Volodymyr Groysman and Andrii Sadovyi with 4.6% each.
• In the politicians’ “anti-rating,” Petro Poroshenko again ranks first: 23.9% of those intending to vote said they would never vote for him. Oleh Liashko is rejected by 10.2%, Yurii Boiko by 9.8%, Arsenii Yatseniuk by 8.5%, Yuliya Tymoshenko by 6.8%, Oleh Tyahnybok by 5.1%, Vadym Rabinovych by 4.8%, and Volodymyr Groysman by 3.1%.
• Modeling a second round of the presidential election between Yuliya Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko shows that 27% would support Tymoshenko and 21% would vote for Poroshenko. At the same time, 37% said they would not participate in such a runoff, and 13% were undecided.
• Early parliamentary elections are supported by 47% of respondents, while 41% oppose them and 12% are undecided. Early presidential elections are supported by 44%, opposed by 46%, and 10% are undecided.
• Thirty-three percent of respondents support organizing nationwide mass protests to remove the current authorities, while 54% oppose this idea and 13% are undecided. Support for mass protests is most common in the western regions and among supporters of the Radical Party and the For Life party.
• Forty-five percent believe that Petro Poroshenko should be allowed to complete his presidential term and then be replaced through elections. Thirty-eight percent favor his immediate removal from office, while only 5% support his re-election. Twelve percent are undecided.
• If a referendum on introducing a visa regime with Russia were held, 32% would support it, while 51% would oppose it, 4% would not vote, and 13% are undecided. Support for visas with Russia is highest in the western regions, where 42% favor the idea, although a similar share there also oppose it. In other macro-regions, opponents outnumber supporters. Among party supporters, the strongest advocates of visas with Russia are voters of Svoboda, Civic Position, and the Petro Poroshenko Bloc, while the strongest opponents are supporters of the Opposition Bloc and the For Life party.
• Granting Russian the status of a state language is supported by 29% of respondents, while 63% oppose it and 8% are undecided. In the East and South, at least 40% support bilingualism, but a similar share are also opposed. Support for two state languages is lowest in the West.
• Fifty-nine percent support a unitary system for Ukraine, while 23% favor a federal system. Support for federalism is highest in the South and East, at around 32–33%.
• Ukraine’s accession to the European Union is supported by 59% of respondents, opposed by 26%, with 11% undecided and 4% saying they would not vote in such a referendum. Support is highest in the West (81%) and lowest in the East (39%). Among party supporters, the strongest backing for EU membership comes from supporters of Samopomich and the Petro Poroshenko Bloc, while it is lowest among supporters of the Opposition Bloc and the For Life party.
• Ukraine’s accession to NATO would be supported by 47% of respondents, opposed by 36%, with 13% undecided and 4% saying they would not vote. As with EU membership, support is highest in the West (71%) and lowest in the East (25%), and opposition is strongest among supporters of the Opposition Bloc and the For Life party.
• Regarding Donbas, 43% support a political and diplomatic path to reintegration. Seventeen percent favor ceasing hostilities and freezing the conflict, 13% support granting the territories autonomous status within Ukraine, 11% favor returning them by force, 8% support their separation from Ukraine, and 9% are undecided. Ceasing hostilities or granting autonomy is more popular in the South and East, while military reconquest is more popular in the West and Center. At the same time, at least 40% in every macro-region support a political and diplomatic solution.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group in November 2017, most respondents associate Turkey primarily with tourism, seaside holidays, and resorts (46%). Another 12% associate the country with Turkish goods, food products, and TV series, while one quarter of respondents were unable to name any associations with Turkey at all.
• Only 10% of respondents had ever visited Turkey, including 9% who had been there once or twice and 1% who had visited more than twice. Almost 90% had never been to the country. Visits were somewhat more common among people under 50 and among wealthier respondents, among whom more than one third had been to Turkey.
• Among those who had visited Turkey, the overwhelming majority (76%) traveled there for leisure and holidays. Another 24% visited for sightseeing in tourist cities. Only 6% went there for work, primarily residents of southern regions, 4% for business, and 3% to visit relatives.
• Overall, 53% of Ukrainian respondents said they had a positive attitude toward the Turkish people, 43% expressed a neutral attitude, and only 2% a negative one. The most positive views were recorded in the South and the Center (57% in both), followed by the West (53%) and the East (38%). City residents, people with higher incomes, those who had visited Turkey, and those who watch Turkish TV series tend to have more favorable views of Turks.
• Fifty-four percent of respondents described relations between Ukraine and Turkey as friendly, 37% as neutral, and only 1% as hostile, while 7% could not answer. Friendly perceptions are most widespread among residents of the Center, urban populations, young people under 35, and wealthier respondents.
• In general, 54% of respondents have a positive attitude toward Turkish goods, 37% are neutral, and only 2% are negative, while 7% are undecided. More favorable views are more common among city residents, people of younger and middle age, and wealthier respondents.
• Over the past year, 51% of respondents purchased Turkish clothing, 41% bought fruits and vegetables, 28% shoes, and 19% sweets. Fewer than 7% purchased Turkish children’s goods, household appliances, building materials, household chemicals, or medicines. Only 2% used Turkish airline services. One fifth of respondents said they had not bought any Turkish products or used services from Turkish companies, with the lowest levels of consumption recorded in western regions.
• Fifty-six percent do not watch Turkish TV series. Among those who do, 70% say that these series create a positive impression of Turkey, while only 5% say they create a negative one. Fourteen percent say they create no impression, and 11% were unable to answer. Turkish series are especially popular among women, particularly older women, and are more widely watched in rural areas than in cities.

• According to a nationwide sociological survey conducted between October 28 and November 14, 2017 by four polling organizations — SOCIS, the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, Rating Group, and the Razumkov Centre — with the support of the Committee of Voters of Ukraine, the most urgent problems for most respondents were the war in eastern Ukraine (51.3%) and socio-economic issues, including rising prices (37%), low wages and pensions (36%), unemployment (27.1%), and high utility tariffs (26.9%). A substantial share of the population also named corruption in the central government (22.9%) and problems in healthcare (22.9%) among the country’s most serious challenges.
• Among the positive changes observed in respondents’ local communities over the past year, many mentioned road repairs (44.9%), higher pensions (27.3%), and improved public amenities in towns and villages (26.6%). At the time of the survey, 55.8% of households were already receiving increased pensions.
• If a presidential election were held on the coming Sunday, Petro Poroshenko would receive the highest support, with 16.1% of respondents ready to vote for him. Yuliya Tymoshenko (14.4%) and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (12.1%) would take second and third place respectively. Yurii Boiko and Anatolii Hrytsenko would each receive 9.3%, Vadym Rabinovych 7.9%, and Oleh Liashko 7.5%. These figures are calculated among respondents who have decided on their choice and intend to vote. Overall, about 21% of voters were undecided, while 18% said they did not plan to participate in the election.
• When asked who they personally believed would win the presidential election, respondents most often named Petro Poroshenko (19.2%), followed by Yuliya Tymoshenko (10.1%). At the same time, a large share of respondents (42%) could not say who they thought would become the next President of Ukraine.
• The survey also addressed attitudes toward the electoral system for the Verkhovna Rada. About 30% of Ukrainians support a majoritarian system, while 27% believe the current mixed system is the best option. Only 19% favor a proportional system in which voters cast ballots exclusively for party lists.
• At the time of the survey, the leading parties in parliamentary voting intentions were Batkivshchyna and the Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity,” with Batkivshchyna slightly ahead (9.7% versus 9.4% among all respondents). Under these conditions, seven parties would enter parliament, and the projected distribution of seats by party lists would be as follows: Batkivshchyna 47 seats, Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity” 45, Opposition Bloc 31, Civic Position 30, For Life 27, the Radical Party of Oleh Liashko 23, and Samopomich 22.
• A large majority of Ukrainians (68.2%) described the current situation in the country as tense, while 21.9% called it explosive and only 6.2% said it was stable.
• Public attitudes show a tendency toward preferring peaceful and less radical forms of protest. Most respondents said they were ready to express protest through participation in elections (58.9%) or by signing petitions and appeals (26.7%). Nearly 60% would not support organizing a new Maidan, and only 9.2% said they would personally take part in such protests.
• Public opinion continues to support the government’s declared course toward European integration and NATO membership. EU accession is backed by a clear majority of the population (56.2%), and support for joining NATO (43.2%) significantly exceeds opposition (33.3%).
• When it comes to Ukraine’s future development path, society is currently divided between supporters of integration with the European Union (44.9%) and those who favor Ukraine pursuing its own independent path of development (40%).