Press releases

• According to the results of a survey conducted by Rating Group during October 19–22, 2019, 18% of respondents believe that over the past 12 months the economic situation in the country has improved, 47% say it has not changed, and 29% state that it has worsened. Similar assessments apply to household financial conditions: 17% believe the situation has improved, 53% saw no change, and 30% reported deterioration. Compared to the beginning of the year, the share of those who negatively assessed the economic situation both in the country and in their families has halved.
• Against the backdrop of growing optimism after the presidential elections, positive expectations for the future have also increased. Currently, 45% of respondents believe that over the next 12 months the economic situation in Ukraine will improve, 26% expect no change, and only 15% hold negative expectations. Another 15% were unable to answer.
• In most areas assessed in the survey, respondents either observed positive changes or no change. In year-on-year dynamics, positive trends are visible across all areas. The largest share of positive change was noted in the condition of roads (almost 40% reported improvement). 31% observed positive changes in the exchange rate of the national currency, and 23% noted improvements in freedom of speech and democracy.
• Regarding Ukraine’s international image, 21% observed improvement; 19% noted improvement in relations with the West. Improvements were also seen in job-finding opportunities (18%), anti-corruption efforts (17%), political stability (14%), and progress toward resolving the war in Donbas (13%).
• Despite the overall positive dynamics, respondents more often reported deterioration in several areas. In particular, negative changes were more frequently noted in healthcare quality (45% reported deterioration, 12% improvement, 30% no change), road safety (46% deterioration, 12% improvement, 34% no change), utility tariffs (52% deterioration, 8% improvement, 3% no change), and prices for basic goods and services (73% deterioration, 18% no change, only 3% improvement).
• 71% stated that what Ukraine lacks most today is peace. 43% believe Ukraine needs order, 40%—stability, 37%—unity, 36%—prosperity, 30%—development and justice, and 8%—greater global influence. Demand for all listed categories has increased over the past three months, most notably for peace and order.
• The largest threat to Ukraine today, according to respondents, is the mass emigration of Ukrainians abroad (56%). About 45% consider economic decline and impoverishment of the population to be threats. Between 30% and 40% identify threats such as deterioration of public health, environmental disasters, full-scale war with Russia, rising crime, and population degradation and decline. Between 20% and 30% cite state collapse, hryvnia devaluation, power vacuum, and mass unrest. Between 13% and 17% consider dictatorship, famine, international isolation, and terrorism as threats. Over the past three months, concern about public health, environmental disasters, and war with Russia has increased, while concern about hryvnia devaluation and inflation has decreased.
• Amid positive expectations and a generally optimistic post-election mood, trust in most institutions has increased. The largest positive changes were recorded for central government institutions: the President, the Government, and Parliament.
• Currently, Ukrainians trust volunteers (69%), ATO veterans (67%), the President of Ukraine (66%), and the Army (65%) the most. The Church also enjoys a high level of trust (56%).
• Civil society organizations are trusted by 48%, city/village mayors by 47%, the National Guard by 46%, the Government by 45%, the Verkhovna Rada by 44%, local media by 43%, national media by 42%, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) by 38%, and regional state administrations by 32%.
• Other institutions are more often distrusted than trusted. In particular, Police are distrusted by 49% (trusted by 31%), the Border Guard Service (41% / 23%), the State Bureau of Investigations (41% / 23%), tax authorities (50% / 20%), customs authorities (51% / 19%), NABU (49% / 17%), and the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (48% / 15%).
• The lowest levels of trust are recorded for the prosecutor’s office (62% distrust) and the courts (66% distrust). Only 14–15% trust these institutions.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group, only 19% of respondents support the introduction of sales of agricultural land. 73% oppose this initiative, while 8% are undecided. Support for launching a land market is relatively higher among younger and wealthier respondents and among land-share owners who cultivate their land themselves. However, even within these groups, at least 60% oppose the initiative.
• Support for allowing foreigners to purchase agricultural land is even lower: only 13% are in favor, while 81% are against. Although among the youngest and wealthiest about one in five does not oppose foreign ownership, three quarters of these groups still firmly reject it.
• 74% believe that any decision on introducing sales of agricultural land in Ukraine should be made through a nationwide referendum; 17% disagree.
• 58% think agricultural land should remain state-owned, following models such as Canada or Israel. 22% support a model similar to Italy, where arable land can be bought and sold, while 20% could not choose between these options. Preference for state ownership is more common among older and poorer respondents and those without land shares; support for a market model is higher among younger, wealthier respondents and self-cultivating land-share owners. Still, even among these latter groups, at least half favor the Canadian/Israeli model.
• Perceived benefits of allowing land sales most often cited include:
  – owners being able to dispose of land at their own discretion (26%);
  – job creation in rural areas (18%);
  – investment inflows into Ukraine (14%);
  – obtaining a fair market price (13%);
  – enabling farmers to use land as collateral for loans (13%).
  Fewer than 7% mentioned benefits such as eliminating the shadow land market, supporting SMEs, increasing budget revenues, or improving soil ecology. 35% see no benefits at all from lifting the moratorium. Self-cultivating land-share owners more often emphasized autonomy, jobs, and investment; those leasing out shares more often said there are no advantages.
• Key risks most frequently mentioned are:
  – land being bought by foreigners (41%);
  – deception of land-share owners during sales (31%);
  – dangers due to imperfect legislation (31%);
  – land being concentrated by oligarchs (23%).
  Additionally, 17% argue a land market is inappropriate during wartime; 16% fear destruction of small and medium rural businesses; 13% each warn of accelerated depopulation of villages or loss of stable rental income for villagers. Only 5% see no risks. Concerns about foreign purchases, fraud, and weak legislation are especially common among land-share owners who cultivate their land themselves.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group, only 11% of respondents believe that gambling should be legalized in Ukraine without any restrictions. 27% support legalization provided that special gambling zones are created, while nearly 60% oppose legalization under any conditions.
• Almost half of respondents believe that lotteries should be permitted in Ukraine. About one quarter support allowing sports betting and casinos (with attitudes toward casino legalization having improved). The most negative attitudes are toward the legalization of online casinos (12%), slot machines (12%), and card games for money (11%).
• 25% of respondents consider themselves gamblers, while the majority (73%) do not. Gambling propensity is higher among men, younger people, and those with higher incomes.
• Over the past two years, the share of people who consider themselves gamblers has not changed, but attitudes toward gambling overall have worsened.
• Only 28% have a positive attitude toward gambling without monetary stakes or winnings (down from 46% in 2017). About two thirds view such games negatively (up from 49% in 2017).
• Attitudes toward gambling for money are overwhelmingly negative: just 10% view it positively, while 85% are negative. More tolerant views are found among self-identified gamblers, particularly men of younger and middle age—among whom positive attitudes toward gambling for money (16%) are almost three times higher than among women (6%).
• The vast majority (84%) reported not personally gambling for money in the past five years. Meanwhile, 3% did so frequently, 9% several times, and 3% once.
• Over the last two years, the proportion of respondents who gambled for money has remained largely unchanged.
• Nearly half of self-identified gamblers reported gambling for money at least once in the past five years—typically younger and middle-aged men with relatively higher incomes.
• The most common forms of gambling among those who played were lotteries (31%) and sports betting (29%). About one quarter played slot machines and card games for money; one in six played online casinos, and one in ten visited casinos.
• Among those who do not gamble, the most common reasons are the belief that money should be earned, not won (48%), and distrust of gambling organizers (about one third).

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group, 68% of respondents consider Russia to be an aggressor state toward Ukraine. 23% hold the opposite view, and 10% were undecided.
  Attitudes differ by region and electoral preference: in the West and Center, at least 70% regard Russia as an aggressor; in the South, about 50% do so; in the East, only 40% agree with this statement, while 47% disagree. Among supporters of parliamentary political parties, a distinctly different view prevails among supporters of the Opposition Platform – For Life, where about two-thirds do not consider Russia an aggressor.
• More than half of respondents support non-military approaches to resolving the issue of occupied Donbas:
  34% favor ending hostilities and recognizing these territories as temporarily occupied, effectively freezing the conflict;
  23% support granting these territories autonomous status within Ukraine.
  At the same time, 23% favor continuing military actions until full restoration of Ukrainian control over Donbas, and only 6% support separation of these territories from Ukraine.
  Military solutions receive the greatest support in the West, while granting autonomy finds more support in the South and East. By electoral preference, support for autonomy is highest among supporters of Opposition Platform – For Life, whereas military solutions are most supported by voters of European Solidarity and Holos.
• 55% support the deployment of UN peacekeepers in occupied Donbas without a Russian contingent; 26% oppose it.
  53% support holding local elections in the non-government-controlled areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions after Ukraine regains control over the entire occupied territory; 19% oppose.
  43% support local elections in these areas under OSCE supervision, while 27% oppose.
• Several initiatives related to occupied Donbas do not enjoy public support:
  Amnesty for members of illegal armed groups fighting on the side of the so-called “DPR/LPR” is opposed by 48% and supported by 27%.
  Granting local councils the right to form “people’s militia” units is opposed by 43% and supported by 27%.
  Deploying UN peacekeepers including a Russian contingent is opposed by 61% and supported by only 17%.
• Two-thirds of respondents were unable to assess the peace initiative known as the “Steinmeier Formula.” 23% opposed it, while 18% supported it.
• Initiatives such as holding elections in non-controlled territories under any conditions, amnesty for illegal armed formations, and granting the right to form people’s militia units receive relatively higher support in the eastern regions and among supporters of Opposition Platform – For Life.
  In contrast, deploying UN peacekeepers without a Russian contingent is more strongly supported in the West and Center.
  Deploying UN peacekeepers with a Russian contingent does not receive majority support in any macro-region.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group in September 2019, Ukrainians’ favorite music genres are pop music (26%), classical music (25%), folk music (21%), and chanson (18%).
  These are followed by rock (14%), dance/disco (12%), club music (8%), and jazz (7%). Rap, romances, and sacred music were each chosen by 6% of respondents; electronic, blues, and hip-hop by 4% each; bard music by 3%. Heavy rock and reggae are each preferred by 2%. Only 4% say they do not like music at all.
• Although pop music remains the top preference, its popularity has declined over the past decade (from 32% to 26%). The share of those who prefer romances has halved (12% in 2009 to 6% in 2019). Preferences for chanson (22% → 18%) and folk music (25% → 21%) have also decreased.
• In contrast, the number of classical music fans has increased (20% → 25%), pushing it above chanson and folk in the rankings. Over the past 10 years, the share of rock fans has doubled (7% → 14%), and rap has also grown (3% → 6%).
• Age differences: Younger respondents prefer pop, rock, disco, club, electronic music, rap, and hip-hop more than older respondents. Older age groups are more inclined toward classical and folk music, chanson, romances, and bard music.
• Gender differences: Women more often than men prefer classical and pop music (31–32% vs. 19%), folk music (24% vs. 18%), and sacred music (7% vs. 3%). Women are also twice as likely to like dance music (15% vs. 8%).
  Men, in turn, more often prefer rock (21% vs. 9%), chanson (20% vs. 16%), rap (9% vs. 3%), and electronic music (7% vs. 3%).
• Education differences: The higher the level of education, the more respondents tend to prefer classical music, rock, and jazz. Those with higher education also show greater interest in pop, electronic, and bard music. Respondents with secondary education are more likely to prefer folk music and chanson.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group in September 2019, the most popular film genres among Ukrainians are comedies (37%), historical films (31%), and melodramas (28%). These are followed by documentaries (18%), adventure films (15%), action movies (14%), and science fiction (13%). About 10% of respondents say they like dramas. Thrillers are popular with 7%, horror films with 6%, mystical films with 5%, and erotic films with 2%. Only 4% say they do not like films at all.
• Despite comedies remaining the top genre, their popularity has declined over the past decade (from 45% to 37%). Adventure films also saw a significant drop compared to 2009 (15% vs. 24%), and interest in melodramas decreased slightly. At the same time, interest in science fiction increased, along with a modest rise in popularity of historical and documentary films.
• Age differences: Younger people prefer comedies, action films, science fiction, horror, and thrillers more than older respondents. Interest in these genres declines with age. Overall, younger people like cinema more than older groups, while older respondents show greater interest in historical films and melodramas.
• Gender differences: Women are nearly five times more likely than men to enjoy melodramas (44% vs. 9%) and three times more likely to prefer dramas (14% vs. 5%). Women also like comedies more (41% vs. 32%). Men, by contrast, are about five times more likely to enjoy action movies (24% vs. 5%), and they show higher interest in historical, documentary, and science fiction films.
• Education: Preferences also vary by education level. The higher the level of education, the stronger the preference for historical, documentary, and science fiction films. Respondents with higher education also more often enjoy comedies, adventure films, and thrillers, while those with secondary education are more interested in action movies and melodramas.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group during September 6–10, 2019, 55% of respondents believe that affairs in Ukraine are moving in the right direction, 18% think they are moving in the wrong direction, and 26% were undecided. The direction of the country’s development is assessed most positively in the West and South, and relatively worse in the Center and East. Young people and voters of the Servant of the People party remain more optimistic. In contrast, relatively more pessimism is observed among the oldest respondents and supporters of the European Solidarity party and the Opposition Platform – For Life party.
• 71% of those surveyed are satisfied with the performance of the President of Ukraine, V. Zelenskyy, 11% hold the opposite view, and 18% were unable to form an opinion. Compared to July of the same year, the level of satisfaction with the President’s work increased by almost one and a half times.
• 29% positively assess the work of the Head of the Government, O. Honcharuk, while 11% assess it negatively. Two thirds have not yet been able to evaluate the new Prime Minister.
• 39% of respondents are satisfied with the work of the newly elected Verkhovna Rada, 16% are dissatisfied, and 45% were unable to assess it.
• An absolute majority of respondents (over 90%) support initiatives regarding the early termination of a Member of Parliament’s mandate for vote-rigging and absenteeism, the reduction of the number of MPs from 450 to 300, and the lifting of parliamentary immunity.
• More than 70% support granting legislative initiative to citizens of Ukraine, expanding the President’s powers to appoint the heads of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), as well as increasing the number of Human Rights Commissioners (ombudspersons). About two thirds support enshrining in the Constitution the norm on electing Members of Parliament under a proportional electoral system and abolishing the адвокатська (lawyer) monopoly.

• According to a survey conducted by Rating Group in Kyiv, 37% of residents believe that the city is moving in the right direction, 28% think it is moving in the wrong direction, and 35% were undecided.
  Regarding the situation in the country, 36% of Kyiv residents believe Ukraine is moving in the right direction, 23% think the opposite, and 41% were undecided.52% of respondents are satisfied with the performance of Volodymyr Zelenskyy (17% are dissatisfied), while 33% were undecided.
  Satisfaction levels with other officials and institutions in Kyiv are significantly lower:
  • Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko: 30% satisfied, 56% dissatisfied
  • Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman: 25% satisfied, 57% dissatisfied
  • Educational institutions of the capital: 19% satisfied, 55% dissatisfied
  • Kyiv City Council: 16% satisfied, 62% dissatisfied
  • Municipal services and medical institutions of Kyiv: 15% satisfied, 72% dissatisfied (each)
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• 72% of Kyiv residents believe that the President does not have the political right to appoint a head of the Kyiv City State Administration different from the person elected by Kyiv residents as mayor. 17% disagree, and 11% were undecided.
• 39% believe that Kyiv mayoral elections should be held as soon as possible, this year; 7% support early elections in the spring; meanwhile 43% favor holding them in October 2020 as scheduled.
• 43% think that Mayor Klitschko should be allowed to complete his term and be replaced through elections. At the same time, 39% support immediate re-election of the Kyiv mayor. Only 8% favor re-electing Klitschko for another term, while 10% were undecided.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group in August 2019, 83% of Ukrainian citizens consider themselves patriots of their country (almost the same as in 2018). 11% hold the opposite view, and 6% were undecided. Compared with previous surveys, this year recorded the highest share of unequivocal answers to this question (60%).
• Across all macro-regions of Ukraine, the share of citizens with patriotic views exceeds 75%: 86% in the West, 85% in the Center, 79% in the East, and 78% in the South.
• Over the course of the surveys, the highest share ever of respondents said they would support the proclamation of Ukraine’s Independence if faced with such a choice today—82% (up from 62% in 2012). 12% would not support it, and 6% were undecided. Support is highest in the West (92%), followed by the Center (85%), South (75%), and East (69%). Opposition is relatively more common in the southern and eastern regions (about 20–23%), as well as among older and lower-income respondents. Support for Independence strongly correlates with patriotic sentiment: the stronger the patriotism, the higher the support.
• Nearly 60% of the population attend public events on Independence Day: 25% do so every year, and 34% attend occasionally. 36% do not attend such events at all, and 5% report that they do not celebrate Independence Day. Attendance is relatively lower among lower-income groups, older respondents, and in the East.
• A significant share of respondents primarily identify themselves as citizens of Ukraine: this rose from 57% in 2010 to 65% in 2019. This year also saw the lowest share of those identifying first as residents of their region/city/village (15%), and a decline in those choosing “just a person” (18%, down from 29% last year). The share identifying by nationality increased slightly (16%). Additionally, 10% primarily identify by family role, 8% as a Soviet person, 7% as a European, 6% as a global citizen, and about 3–4% by religion or profession.
• “Citizen of Ukraine” is the dominant identifier in all regions: 72% in the West, 66% in the Center, 62% in the South, and 51% in the East. This identity is more common among younger respondents and men. Women more often prioritize family-role identification. “Just a person” is more common in the Center and South, while regional and family-role identities are more prevalent in the East. Identification as a Soviet person is more typical in the South and East, among older and lower-income groups. Wealthier respondents more often identify as Europeans, while the youngest are more likely to identify as global citizens.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group during July 13–17, 2019, 41% of respondents believe that affairs in Ukraine are moving in the right direction, 37% think they are moving in the wrong direction, and 22% were undecided. The direction of the country’s development is assessed most positively in the West and Center, and relatively worse in the East. Young people and voters of the Servant of the People party remain more optimistic, while the most pessimistic views are expressed by supporters of the European Solidarity party and the Opposition Platform – For Life party.
• The Servant of the People party leads electoral preferences: 49.5% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice are ready to support it. Parties that would currently pass the electoral threshold also include Opposition Platform – For Life (10.5%), European Solidarity (7.7%), Batkivshchyna (6.9%), and Holos (Voice) (5.9%). Strength and Honor would be supported by 3.8%, the Opposition Bloc by 3.1%, while the ratings of other political forces are below 3%.
• 58% of respondents are satisfied with the performance of the President of Ukraine, V. Zelenskyy; 19% hold the opposite view, and 24% have not yet formed an opinion. 28% positively assess the work of the Head of Government, V. Hroisman, while 62% assess it negatively. More than 80% of respondents are dissatisfied with the work of the Verkhovna Rada, and only 7% are satisfied.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group in July 2019 among residents of single-member constituency No. 96 (centered in Vyshhorod, Kyiv Oblast):
• Voter turnout intentions:
  63% of respondents said they were definitely ready to participate in the parliamentary elections; another 14% said they were rather likely to vote. 19% stated they would not participate, and 4% were undecided.
• Party preferences (among decided voters who intend to vote):
  • Servant of the People — 50%
  • Batkivshchyna — 8.9%
  • European Solidarity — 8.4%
  • Holos — 7.1%
  • Opposition Platform – For Life — 4.9%
  • Strength and Honor — 4.4%
  • Radical Party — 4.3%
  • Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman — 2.1%
  • Other parties — <2%
• Single-member district candidates (among decided voters who intend to vote):
  • Yaroslav Moskalenko — 33.0%
  • Olha Vasylevska-Smahliuk — 25.5%
  • Roman Bukovskyi — 10.2%
  • Serhii Zamidra — 6.5%
  • Liudmyla Voinalovych — 4.1%
  • Oleksandr Bovsunskyi — 4.0%
  • Tetiana Brazhnikova — 3.8%
  • Other candidates — <2%
    Overall, about 40% of constituency residents had not yet decided on their preferences.
• Perceived likelihood of winning:
  20.4% believe Yaroslav Moskalenko will win and become an MP; 14.5% say the same about Olha Vasylevska-Smahliuk. For other candidates, this figure is below 3%.

• According to the survey conducted by the Rating Group on July 6–10, 2019, 35% of respondents believe that Ukraine is moving in the right direction, while 39% think the country is moving in the wrong direction and 26% remain undecided. Evaluations of the country’s trajectory are most positive in the West and most negative in the East. Younger respondents and supporters of the Servant of the People party tend to be more optimistic than other groups.
• In terms of electoral preferences among those who intend to vote and have already decided, the Servant of the People party leads with 47%. It is followed by Opposition Platform – For Life with 11.6%, European Solidarity with 8.2%, Voice with 6.6%, and Batkivshchyna with 6.4%. Support for Strength and Honor stands at 3.6%, for the Opposition Bloc at 3.2%, for the Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman at 2.8%, for the Radical Party at 2.5%, and for Svoboda at 2.1%. All other political forces receive less than 2% support.
• When asked about a possible “second choice,” respondents most often named the Servant of the People party (9.6%) and Voice (9.3%). Batkivshchyna was mentioned by 6.2%, Opposition Platform – For Life by 4.9%, Strength and Honor by 4.0%, Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman by 2.6%, Opposition Bloc by 2.5%, Civic Position by 2.4%, and European Solidarity by 2.3%, while all other parties were mentioned by fewer than 2% of respondents.
• The level of trust in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stands at 65%, while 27% report that they do not trust him. Among leaders of political parties, relatively higher trust levels are recorded for Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (25%), Dmytro Razumkov (24%), Anatoliy Hrytsenko (23%), Yulia Tymoshenko (22%), Yuriy Boyko (22%), Volodymyr Groysman (20%), and Ihor Smeshko (20%). The lowest levels of trust are reported for Petro Poroshenko (14%) and Viktor Medvedchuk (12%).
• Regionally, trust patterns differ: in the West, Zelenskyy and Vakarchuk enjoy the highest trust; in the Center, Zelenskyy, Hrytsenko, Tymoshenko, Smeshko, and Groysman lead; in the South, Zelenskyy and Boyko are most trusted; and in the East, the highest trust levels are recorded for Zelenskyy, Boyko, Razumkov, and Medvedchuk.

The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on order of the International Republican Institute. 

Data was collected throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and part of the Donbas) between June 13 and June 23, 2019. The sample consisted of 2,400 residents of Ukraine aged 18 and olderand eligible to vote.The sample is representative by gender, age, region, and settlement size.

The margin of error does not exceed 2,0%. Average response rate was 61.8%.
 
English version of the report can be downloaded from the IRI.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group in June–July 2019 among residents of single-member constituency No. 165 (centered in the town of Zboriv, Ternopil region), 77% of respondents stated that they are definitely ready to take part in the parliamentary elections. Another 9% said they would rather come to polling stations and vote. Only 12% indicated that they would not participate in the parliamentary elections, while 2% remained undecided.
• In terms of electoral preferences among political parties in the constituency, the Servant of the People party leads with 25.4% among those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice. It is followed by the Voice party with 19.6%, European Solidarity with 14.8%, Batkivshchyna with 7.0%, the Radical Party with 5.3%, Civic Position with 4.5%, Svoboda with 4.1%, and the Agrarian Party of Ukraine with 3.7%. Support for all other political parties does not exceed 3%.
• Among candidates running in the single-member district, Ivan Chaikivskyi is the frontrunner, supported by 36.5% of respondents who have decided and intend to vote. Taras Yuryk receives 23.3% support, followed by Vasyl Martyuk with 11.1%, Volodymyr Kisilevych with 11.0%, and Petro Repela with 4.3%. All other candidates receive less than 3% support. Overall, about one quarter of the constituency’s residents have not yet decided on their electoral preferences.
• When asked about expectations regarding the election outcome, 25.1% of voters believe that Ivan Chaikivskyi will win the election and become a Member of Parliament. Only 10.5% think that Taras Yuryk will win, while 6.7% name Volodymyr Kisilevych as the likely winner.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group between June 29 and July 3, 2019, 62% of respondents stated that they are definitely ready to take part in voting in the early parliamentary elections scheduled for July 21, 2019. Another 23% said they are rather ready to participate, 12% said they would not vote, and 3% were undecided. A higher level of readiness to participate in voting is demonstrated by older voters.
• The Servant of the People party leads in electoral preferences among political forces, with 42.3% of those who intend to vote and have made up their minds ready to support it. Parties that would currently pass the electoral threshold also include Opposition Platform – For Life (13.4%), European Solidarity (8.3%), Voice (7.2%), and Batkivshchyna (7.2%). Support for Strength and Honor stands at 3.8%, Opposition Bloc at 3.1%, Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman at 2.8%, Civic Position and the Radical Party at 2.4% each, and Svoboda at 2.3%. Ratings for other political parties are below 2%.
• The leaders in the so-called “second choice” are the Servant of the People party (10.0%) and the Voice party (7.4%). Opposition Platform – For Life is named as an alternative choice by 4.6% of respondents, Strength and Honor by 4.4%, Batkivshchyna by 4.2%, Opposition Bloc by 3.4%, the Radical Party by 2.6%, European Solidarity by 2.2%, and Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman by 2.0%.

• According to a nationwide survey conducted by the Rating Group between June 12 and 20, 2019, a majority of Ukrainians (55%) believe that the future Prime Minister should be a candidate with significant experience in governing the country. At the same time, 35% expect a new figure, even one without prior experience in public administration. Support for an experienced Prime Minister increases with age. This view is most strongly shared by supporters of European Solidarity (87%), Batkivshchyna (81%), Opposition Platform – For Life (80%), and the Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman (75%). In contrast, it is least supported among voters of Svoboda (55%), Voice (52%), and Servant of the People (43%).
• When asked about specific personalities, respondents most often named Yurii Boyko (13%), Yuliia Tymoshenko (11%), and Volodymyr Groysman (10%) as their preferred future Prime Minister. Regional differences are pronounced: Groysman is more often preferred in Galicia and Central Ukraine, Boyko in the East and Donbas, and Tymoshenko in the West, North, Center, and Kyiv.
• In addition, 7% of respondents see Ihor Smeshko as a potential Prime Minister, 6% name Dmytro Razumkov, and 5% mention Sviatoslav Vakarchuk. Petro Poroshenko, Anatolii Hrytsenko, and Mikheil Saakashvili each receive 4%, while Oleh Liashko is supported by 3%. Andrii Sadovyi and Oleksandr Vilkul are each named by 2%. At the same time, 7% of respondents do not consider any of the proposed candidates suitable, and 14% remain undecided regarding their “prime-ministerial” preferences.
• Levels of trust in political leaders differ significantly. Volodymyr Zelenskyi enjoys the highest trust, with 63% saying they trust him and 25% expressing distrust. Trust in other figures is substantially lower: Sviatoslav Vakarchuk is trusted by 24% and distrusted by 57%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 22% and distrusted by 62%, Ihor Smeshko by 21% and distrusted by 49%, and Yurii Boyko by 21% and distrusted by 62%. Yuliia Tymoshenko and Volodymyr Groysman are each trusted by 19%, but distrusted by 74% and 72% respectively. Even lower trust levels are recorded for Andrii Sadovyi (14% trust), Petro Poroshenko (14%), Oleh Liashko (12%), and Mikheil Saakashvili (11%), all of whom face very high distrust rates.
• Age differences in trust are limited for Vakarchuk, Sadovyi, and Poroshenko. In contrast, younger respondents are more likely to trust Zelenskyi, while older respondents tend to express greater trust in figures such as Hrytsenko, Smeshko, Boyko, Tymoshenko, Groysman, and Liashko.
• Regionally, Zelenskyi records the highest trust levels in the South and East of the country, where more than 70% trust him. In the Center, West, North, Kharkiv region, and Donbas, about two thirds trust him, while in Galicia and Kyiv trust levels are closer to 50%. Vakarchuk enjoys his strongest support in Galicia (52%), with relatively higher trust also observed in the West, North, Center, and Kyiv. Similar regional patterns apply to Hrytsenko, although he is somewhat less trusted in Kyiv. Smeshko is trusted more in Galicia, the West, Center, and North; Boyko primarily in the East, Kharkiv region, and Donbas; Groysman in Galicia and Central Ukraine; Tymoshenko mainly in the Center; Sadovyi, Poroshenko, and Saakashvili in Galicia; and Liashko most notably in the North.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group between June 20 and 24, 2019, 33% of respondents stated that Ukraine is moving in the right direction, while 40% expressed the opposite view and 27% were undecided.
• More optimistic assessments of the country’s situation are more common among the youngest respondents and supporters of the Servant of the People and Voice parties. In contrast, supporters of European Solidarity and Opposition Platform – For Life demonstrate the most pessimistic views on this issue.
• A total of 65% of respondents reported that they are ready to take part in voting in the early parliamentary elections scheduled for July 21, 2019. Another 19% said they are rather ready to participate, 13% stated that they would not vote, and 3% were undecided. Older voters show a higher level of readiness to participate in the elections.
• The Servant of the People party leads electoral preferences, with 45.3% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice ready to support it. Parties that would currently pass the electoral threshold also include Opposition Platform – For Life (12.1%), Voice (8.4%), European Solidarity (7.2%), and Batkivshchyna (7.0%). Support for Strength and Honor stands at 3.4%, and for the Radical Party at 2.5%, while ratings for other political forces remain below 2%.
• Trust in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stands at 67%, while 26% of respondents say they do not trust him. Among political party leaders, relatively higher levels of trust are recorded for Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (25%), Dmytro Razumkov (22%), Anatolii Hrytsenko (21%), and Ihor Smeshko (21%). Yurii Boyko is trusted by 20% of respondents, Yuliia Tymoshenko by 17%, and Petro Poroshenko by 15%. The highest levels of distrust are associated with Petro Poroshenko and Oleh Liashko, with around 80% of respondents stating that they do not trust them.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group in May–June 2019 among residents of single-member electoral district No. 125 (centered in Staryi Sambir, Lviv region), electoral participation intentions in the district were relatively high. A total of 55% of respondents stated that they are definitely ready to take part in the parliamentary elections, while another 34% said they are rather ready to come to polling stations and vote. Only 7% reported that they would not participate in the elections, and 4% remained undecided.
• In terms of party preferences, the Servant of the People party leads in the district, with 31.7% support among those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice. It is followed by Voice with 20.7%, European Solidarity with 15.1%, Civic Position with 7.8%, Batkivshchyna with 7.6%, and Svoboda with 6.2%. Support for the Radical Party stands at 3.3%, while all other political forces receive less than 3%.
• The survey also explored attitudes toward forms of electoral campaigning. A clear majority of respondents (62%) expressed a negative attitude toward material assistance from candidates or deputies during elections, such as distributing food packages, money, or funds for repairs or medical treatment. At the same time, 16% supported such initiatives by politicians who are running for office, while 17% reported a neutral attitude.
• When asked how voters in their communities would react if candidates offered food packages, money, or medicines during the campaign, 38% of respondents said that most people they know would accept the assistance but vote for another candidate. Another 37% believe that voters in their area would refuse such assistance altogether. Only 7% stated that this type of campaigning actually influences voters to support the candidate who provides the aid, while 18% were unable to answer the question.
• Respondents were also asked about their expectations of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The most common expectation is a ceasefire in Donbas, mentioned by 55% of respondents. Other frequently cited expectations include reducing utility tariffs (35%), raising social standards (30%), punishing high-level officials involved in corruption (29%), intensifying cooperation with the EU and NATO (25%), strengthening the Ukrainian army (22%), reducing the influence of oligarchs on politics (20%), lifting parliamentary immunity (18%), improving the quality of healthcare (15%), and uniting the country (10%). Expectations regarding tariff reductions and higher social standards are more prevalent among older and poorer respondents, while younger and more affluent groups more often emphasize cooperation with the EU and NATO and the removal of parliamentary immunity.
• Finally, respondents identified the most pressing local problems in the district. The lack of jobs is considered the most acute issue, cited by 60% of respondents. This is followed by low wages in the region (49%), poverty (37%), poor-quality medical services (35%), and the poor condition of roads (32%). Around one-fifth of respondents point to the decline of agriculture or industry, while 10–13% mention drug addiction, illegal logging, depopulation of villages, or insufficient attention to youth issues. Concerns about unemployment are strongest among younger and middle-aged respondents, whereas poverty and poor healthcare are more frequently emphasized by older residents.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group in May 2019, 20% of respondents stated that over the past two years the overall quality of public medical services in the country has improved. At the same time, 37% reported a deterioration, 32% believe that the quality of public medical services has not changed, and 12% were unable to answer. Over the past eight months, the share of those who report improvements in this area has doubled.
• One quarter of respondents rated both primary and secondary healthcare in Ukraine positively. One third believe these levels of the healthcare system are in satisfactory condition, while more than a quarter consider them unsatisfactory or very poor. Younger and wealthier respondents tended to assess both changes in service quality and different levels of healthcare more positively.
• 82% stated that they know their family doctor or therapist, while 18% do not. Over the past year, awareness has increased by almost one and a half times. Awareness is relatively higher in the western regions (89%) and lower in Kyiv and the South (74–72%). Women are better informed about their family doctor than men (87% versus 75%).
• More than 80% (as in October 2018) have heard of the national program “Doctor for Every Family.” High levels of awareness are observed across all macro-regions and demographic groups. 79% stated that they have already chosen a doctor and signed a contract with them (56% in October 2018), while 20% said they have not yet done so. Higher mobilization in signing contracts with family doctors is observed in the western and eastern macro-regions, among women and older respondents. At the same time, in the South and in Kyiv, one third of respondents said they have not yet signed an agreement with a therapist.
• More than 70% of those who have already signed contracts with a family doctor are satisfied with them; only 12% expressed dissatisfaction, while 16% were undecided. One third of respondents noted that after signing a contract the doctor became more attentive and polite. 18% said it became easier to get an appointment. 11% reported better conditions at the doctor’s office (repairs, modern equipment, etc.) or receiving referrals for free laboratory tests. 9% said they received free medicines or vaccines from their doctor or advice on healthy lifestyles and habits. At the same time, 20% reported no changes after signing the contract (25% in October 2018).
• 58% support the “money follows the patient” program in healthcare financing. 22% expressed the opposite view, while 20% were unable to answer. Support for the new model of budget allocation in healthcare is higher in the western and southern regions, among younger and wealthier respondents.
• 38% said they had heard about the Ministry of Health initiative to begin procurement of certain medicines (including vaccines) through a competitive and transparent tender process with high requirements for international organizations involved. At the same time, 58% know nothing about this government program.
• 73% said they had heard of the “Affordable Medicines” program (66% in October), under which pharmacies provide free medicines to patients with chronic diseases such as type II diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, and bronchial asthma. 25% know nothing about it. Awareness is higher among women and older respondents.
• 28% (19% in October 2018) reported that they personally, or their close relatives (spouse, children, grandparents, siblings, etc.), have participated in the “Affordable Medicines” program. Participation is highest among older respondents, women, and those with medical professionals in the family. 70% said they had not participated. More than half of those who participated consider the program successful, while 38% hold the opposite view.
• 63% approve of the law on transplantation that allows citizens to voluntarily decide to donate their organs after death for transplantation to others in need. 28% do not approve. Absolute support for this initiative is relatively higher among residents of Kyiv, younger and wealthier respondents.
• 30% fully support and 28% partially support the possible legalization of medical marijuana for patients with certain health conditions where marijuana could alleviate symptoms or reduce pain. 33% hold the opposite view. Support is relatively higher among residents of Kyiv, men, younger and wealthier respondents.
• 74% of respondents consider the Ministry of Health important for themselves and their families (56% in October). 19% expressed the opposite view. Residents of the western and southern regions more often emphasized the importance of the Ministry.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by Rating Group on June 8–12, 2019, 35% of respondents stated that Ukraine is moving in the right direction, while 36% held the opposite view and another 30% were undecided. The positive shift in public sentiment continued. Relatively more optimistic assessments of the country’s situation were observed among residents of the South, the youngest respondents, and supporters of the political parties “Servant of the People,” “Strength and Honor,” and “Voice.” In contrast, supporters of “European Solidarity” and “Opposition Platform – For Life” were the most pessimistic on this issue.
• A total of 77% of respondents expressed a definite intention to take part in the early parliamentary elections scheduled for July 21, 2019. Another 12% said they were rather likely to participate, 8% stated they would not vote, and 3% were undecided.
• The leader in electoral preferences among political parties was “Servant of the People,” which was supported by 47.1% of those who intended to vote and had decided on their choice. At the time of the survey, the electoral threshold was also being overcome by “Opposition Platform – For Life” (11.1%), “Voice” (8.1%), “Batkivshchyna” (7.3%), and “European Solidarity” (5.0%). Support for other parties included “Strength and Honor” (4.1%), “Civic Position” (2.2%), the Radical Party (2.1%), Svoboda (2.1%), “Ukrainian Strategy” (1.9%), the Opposition Bloc (1.8%), and Samopomich (1.2%). All other political forces received less than 1%.
• More than half of respondents believed that the party “Servant of the People” would pass the 5% electoral threshold and enter the future parliament. About 40% expressed the same expectation regarding “Batkivshchyna,” one third regarding “Opposition Platform – For Life,” one quarter regarding “European Solidarity,” and one in five regarding the party “Voice.” Among supporters of political forces with relatively high ratings, more than 70% were confident that their preferred parties would enter the Verkhovna Rada.
• Half of respondents were satisfied with the performance of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, while 14% were dissatisfied and 38% had not yet formed an opinion. Only 22% positively assessed the work of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, whereas 65% evaluated it negatively. Nearly 90% of respondents were dissatisfied with the work of the Verkhovna Rada, and only 5% expressed satisfaction.
• Half of those surveyed expected President Zelenskyy to resolve the issue of ending the fighting in Donbas. Other expectations included lowering utility tariffs (38%), reducing the influence of oligarchs on politics (22%), raising social standards (20%), punishing high-level officials guilty of corruption (19%), lifting parliamentary immunity (17%), improving the quality of healthcare (16%), intensifying cooperation with NATO and the EU (13%), improving relations with Russia (12%), strengthening the Ukrainian army (12%), and uniting the country (10%).
• Expectations regarding an end to the war in Donbas were common across almost all macro-regions. At the same time, relatively higher expectations for lowering tariffs, reducing oligarchic influence, and improving relations with Russia were recorded in the South and East. Expectations regarding punishment of corrupt high-level officials were somewhat higher in the West and South; lifting parliamentary immunity was more often mentioned in the Center; improving healthcare quality in the South; and strengthening cooperation with NATO and the EU, as well as reinforcing the Ukrainian army, in the West.