Press releases

• Within the framework of the project “Portraits of Regions,” the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Vinnytsia region from November 16 to December 2, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents participated in the study, which was conducted using the face-to-face interview method. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region, as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole significantly worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 7% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 35% consider the situation calm in their home region, and 49% in their own city or village. Nearly 60% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 32% as critical. At the local level, assessments of the situation are somewhat better: from 39% to 47% view it as tense, and only 7–11% as critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of development worse, at 11%, than that of the region, at 21%, or their own city or village, at 26%. Residents of the regional center assess the situation more positively both in the country and locally, especially in their own city.
• Despite negative assessments of the state of affairs, overall expectations among residents of the region are rather positive-neutral. Fifteen to sixteen percent have optimistic expectations for the future, both in Ukraine and locally. More than half believe that the situation will not change, while about 16% expect deterioration next year. Residents of villages and smaller towns hold more optimistic views on this issue.
• The military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, cited by 78%, is the main nationwide problem according to residents of the region. Thirty-seven percent also consider bribery and corruption in government to be a problem. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about low wages and pensions, cited by 57%, rising utility tariffs, cited by 51%, and inflation, cited by 45%. At the personal level, lack of access to medical care and unemployment are felt more acutely in smaller settlements, while tariffs and low incomes are more pressing in the regional center. Among national-level problems, residents of the large city are more concerned about political issues.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 23.8% of those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections are ready to support. Eighteen point five percent are ready to vote for Petro Poroshenko, 11.4% for Anatolii Hrytsenko, 9.5% for Volodymyr Zelenskyi, 7.2% for Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, 6.9% for Oleh Liashko, and 5.8% for Yurii Boiko. The rating of other candidates is below 5%. At the same time, every fourth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• About 22% believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential elections. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has more than doubled. Fifteen percent are confident in Petro Poroshenko’s victory, which is slightly lower than the previous year’s figure of 18%. About 3.5% see Anatolii Hrytsenko as the winner. Fewer than 3% believe in a positive outcome for other candidates. Confidence in their favorites is demonstrated mainly by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• Petro Poroshenko leads the anti-rating. Forty-three point four percent of respondents stated that they would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 26% of those who have decided and will participate in the elections. Seventeen point eight percent are ready to vote for the Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity,” 11.0% for Civic Position, 8.3% for the Servant of the People party, 7.7% for the Radical Party, 5.5% for Samopomich, and 5.3% for the Opposition Bloc. The rating of other parties is below 3%. One quarter of respondents have not decided on a party choice.
• About half of respondents, when making a presidential choice, are guided by the candidate’s personal leadership qualities, cited by 52%, socio-economic program, cited by 51%, political experience, cited by 49%, orientation toward cooperation with the EU, cited by 48%, and the ability to ensure stability in the country, cited by 47%. At the same time, for about 35%, the candidate’s team, ideological views, ability to ensure radical changes in the country, and focus on regional problems are important. Another 39% are guided in their choice by the candidate’s belonging to the generation of “new” politicians; this motive dominates among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk. Although 48% support European integration, when asked about foreign policy sympathies more than one third could not give an answer, while another 17% supported a pro-Russian orientation of the candidate, most often among voters of Yurii Boiko.
• Thirty-six percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Thirty-four percent believe that the situation will not change, and only 10% say it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Petro Poroshenko, and Yurii Boiko more often expect positive changes than others. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided on their choice.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of falsifications in the presidential elections at the national level, at 59%, is slightly higher than in the region, at 54%, or in their city or village, at 51%. Another approximately 22% allow for minor falsifications.
• Only 11% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Twelve percent take a neutral position on this issue, while the majority, 74%, oppose this type of campaigning. City residents and respondents with lower income are more favorable toward such assistance. People of middle age assess such campaigning more critically.
• Residents of the region assess the performance of central authorities differently. Thirty percent are satisfied with the work of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, while 64% are dissatisfied; the most positive assessments of his work come from residents of Vinnytsia. The activity of Petro Poroshenko was positively assessed by 15%, while 78% are dissatisfied, and only 4% are satisfied with the work of the Verkhovna Rada, while 80% are dissatisfied. The level of satisfaction with local leaders is higher than with regional authorities: 23% are satisfied with the work of the regional state administration, which is 4 percentage points lower than last year, while 45% are satisfied with the work of local heads. Residents of Vinnytsia assess the activity of local authorities more positively.
• Respondents more often see an increase in corruption nationwide, at 52%, than in the region, at 42%, or at their place of residence, at 35%. About 40–50% of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 2–5% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the state of affairs in various spheres and services. The best assessments concern road conditions, personal safety, school education, and ecology. In year-on-year dynamics, the situation regarding road conditions has improved. The greatest deterioration is observed in ecology, the fight against corruption, and youth support. Other spheres have remained largely unchanged. Respondents speak most negatively about the fight against bribery at the local level and about youth support.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the opportunities for recreation and leisure the highest. The lowest rating was given to the opportunity to engage in entrepreneurship. The level of all opportunities is rated highest in Vinnytsia. Younger and wealthier respondents rate the level of all opportunities higher than older and poorer respondents.
• Five to seven percent see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. About 40% assess it as moderate. Another 33–34% see low potential, and 11–12% see no opportunities for economic growth at all, either in Ukraine or locally. Residents of the regional center assess the development potential of their settlement somewhat better, while residents of villages assess the potential of the country and region more positively. The youngest respondents are the most optimistic in their assessments.
• The majority of respondents, at 77%, feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. Even more feel proud to be residents of their region and their city or village, at 83% each. Most often, respondents cited the history and nature of their region as objects of pride, at 43–44%. Thirty-five percent are proud of regional culture, 30% of traditions, 22% of landmarks, and 17% each of natural resources and residents of the region.
• More than 70% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 23% hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. Nearly one third of the older generation consider themselves unhappy. Among the poorest respondents, nearly half consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Khmelnytskyi, Kyiv, and Zhytomyr regions. Among neighboring countries, residents most often chose Belarus and Poland as close, and somewhat less often Russia.
• Almost 30% expressed a desire to start their own business. Five percent stated that they are already entrepreneurs. Meanwhile, 60% said they do not have such aspirations. A higher level of desire to start a business is observed among younger respondents, wealthier individuals, city residents, and those with a middle income level. Among those wishing to start their own business, 30% would like to engage in trade, 13% in farming, and about 9–10% in businesses related to entertainment and leisure or the beauty and health industry.
• Over the past year, the number of those who expressed a desire to work abroad has slightly increased, from 33% to 37%. At the same time, 55% of them are ready in the future to invest their earnings in starting a business in Ukraine, while 31% are not ready. Traditionally, higher migration intentions are observed among youth, at 62%, and wealthier respondents, at 51%.
• Seventy-five percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Twelve percent support granting the Russian language official status in certain regions, and 8% support granting Russian state language status.
• The majority of respondents, at 71%, consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine, while 18% hold the opposite view and 11% have not decided.
• Over the past year, the number of those supporting Ukraine’s accession to the European Union has slightly increased, from 59% to 62%. Support for accession to NATO has remained almost unchanged, at 48–47%, while the number of those opposed has slightly decreased, from 30% to 26%. Among different directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector leads, at 58%, compared to 53% in 2017. Support for Ukraine maintaining equal distance from Russia and the West has decreased year-on-year, from 37% to 27%. Only 3% support Ukraine’s accession to the Customs Union.

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, nearly 70% of surveyed Ukrainians have a tradition of giving gifts on St. Nicholas Day. About 30% do not have such a tradition.
• The largest number of supporters of the tradition of giving gifts on St. Nicholas Day is in the western regions of Ukraine, where more than 80% follow it. In the central and southern regions, about two thirds of respondents do so, while in the eastern regions this figure is about half. This tradition is more strongly supported by rural residents, young people, and more financially secure respondents.
• Forty-three percent of respondents indicated that they believe in St. Nicholas, compared to 37% in 2016. At the same time, half of the respondents stated that they do not believe in him. The highest level of belief in St. Nicholas is observed in the western regions, where 63% believe in him, while in other regions slightly more than one third do so. The younger and more financially secure the respondents are, the more likely they are to believe in St. Nicholas. Interestingly, more than half of respondents aged 30 to 50 reported believing in St. Nicholas. Belief is also more common among women and residents of rural areas.
• In turn, one quarter of surveyed Ukrainians believe in Ded Moroz, while almost 70% do not believe in him. Younger and more financially secure Ukrainians are more likely to believe in Ded Moroz.
• More than 40% of respondents named New Year and Christmas as their favorite winter holidays. For another 7% of respondents, St. Nicholas Day is their favorite holiday, while 3% named Old New Year. Only 3% said that they do not like any of the listed holidays. Over the survey period, the share of those who consider New Year their favorite holiday has decreased, from 49% in 2011 to 43%.
• In the southern, eastern, and central regions, New Year is more popular, while in the western regions, Christmas is the favorite holiday. A greater preference for New Year is observed among men, urban residents, younger respondents, and those with higher incomes. Accordingly, Christmas is more popular among rural residents, older respondents, and women.

• Within the framework of the project “Portraits of Regions,” the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Ternopil region from November 16 to December 2, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents participated in the study, which was carried out using the face-to-face interview method. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region, as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole significantly worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 9% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 45% consider the situation calm in their home region, and 62% in their own city or village. Almost 61% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 22% as critical. At the local level, assessments of the state of affairs are somewhat better: between 25% and 40% of respondents view the situation as tense, and only about 5% as critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of development worse, at 18%, than that of the region, at 31%, or their own city or village, at 38%. Residents of small towns in the region assess the direction of development of both the country and their local area less critically.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the state of affairs, overall expectations among residents of the region are rather positive-neutral. Only one in ten believes that the situation, both in Ukraine and locally, will worsen next year. More than half of respondents believe that it will not change, and almost one quarter have optimistic expectations about the future. A higher level of positive expectations is observed among residents of cities in the region.
• The military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, cited by 78%, and bribery and corruption in government, cited by 49%, are the two main nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about rising utility tariffs, cited by 61%, low wages and pensions, cited by 57%, and rising prices and inflation, cited by 55%.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 21.8% of those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections are ready to support. Fifteen point seven percent would vote for Anatolii Hrytsenko, 12.6% for Petro Poroshenko, 10.9% for Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, 7.7% for Volodymyr Zelenskyi, 6.8% for Oleh Liashko, 5.5% for Oleksandr Shevchenko, 4.3% for Andrii Sadovyi, and 3.0% for Ruslan Koshulynskyi. The rating of other candidates is below 3%. At the same time, every sixth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• About 20% of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential elections, compared to 13% in 2017. Fourteen percent are confident in Petro Poroshenko’s victory, compared to 17% in 2017. About 4% see Anatolii Hrytsenko as the winner. No more than 3% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in their favorites is demonstrated mainly by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• Petro Poroshenko leads the anti-rating. Nearly 33% of respondents stated that they would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 23.7% of those who have decided and will participate in the elections. Fifteen point seven percent are ready to vote for Civic Position, 11.9% for the Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity,” 10.5% for Svoboda, 9.3% for the Servant of the People party, 6.2% for UKROP, 6.1% for Samopomich, and 5.4% for the Radical Party. The rating of other parties is below 4%. At the same time, nearly one in five residents of the region has not decided on a party choice.
• Orientation of the candidate toward closer cooperation with the European Union, cited by 83%, and the candidate’s personal leadership qualities, cited by 65%, are motives that have a significant influence on respondents’ presidential choice. For 53%, the candidate’s ability to ensure radical changes in the country is important, while 40% stated that ensuring stability is more important to them. Fifty-six percent choose a candidate rather because of their experience in state politics, while for 40% it is more important that the candidate belongs to the generation of “new” politicians. The latter motive dominates among supporters of Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, Oleksandr Shevchenko, Volodymyr Zelenskyi, and Ruslan Koshulynskyi. For 51%, the socio-economic program of the candidate is important, while 42% stated that ideological views matter more to them. Orientation toward solving the country’s problems is a motive for choice for 55% of respondents, while for 36% it is important that the candidate focuses on solving both national and regional problems.
• Forty-three percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Twenty-eight percent believe that the situation will not change, and only 9% say it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Petro Poroshenko, and Oleh Liashko more often expect positive changes than others. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided on their choice.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of falsifications in the presidential elections at the national level, at 36%, is higher than at the local level, at 9%. Another approximately 40–55% allow for minor falsifications.
• Only 7% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Fourteen percent take a neutral position on this issue, while 70% oppose this type of campaigning.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Sixteen percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko, 11% are satisfied with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 4% with the activity of the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, about 90% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities.
• Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration has slightly decreased, from 26% to 22%. Forty-six percent stated that they are satisfied with the activity of the city or village head. The level of dissatisfaction with local heads among rural residents is lower than among residents of cities in the region.
• Respondents more often see an increase in corruption nationwide than in the region or at their place of residence. Forty to fifty-five percent of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 4–7% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the state of affairs in various spheres and services. At the same time, in year-on-year dynamics, assessments for most criteria have either improved or remained unchanged. The best dynamics are observed in ecology, road conditions, and agriculture. Respondents rate the situation in school education, safety, and ecology relatively better. The worst assessments concern industrial development, youth support, and social protection.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the ability to relax and spend leisure time, as well as to live safely, the highest. The lowest rating was given to the opportunity to engage in entrepreneurship. Opportunities for recreation, achieving success, and finding work are rated relatively higher by residents of the regional center and small towns, while living safely is rated higher in villages.
• Respondents rate the economic development potential of Ukraine, at 17%, higher than that of the region, at 10%, and their own city or village, at 9%, over the next 5–10 years. About 40% assess the economic potential of the country and localities at a medium level. About one quarter see low potential. Three to four percent see no opportunities for economic growth in Ukraine and the region. Twelve percent see no growth potential for their settlement, most often in small towns and villages.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents, at 78%, feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. Seventy-nine percent feel proud to be residents of their region, and 82% of their city or village. Older respondents demonstrate a somewhat higher level of pride. Most often, respondents cited nature, at 45%, regional traditions, at 43%, and history, at 42%, as objects of pride. Thirty-one percent are proud of culture and art, 25% of local residents, 16% of landmarks, 15% of natural resources, 13% of prominent figures of the region, and 10% of cuisine and culinary traditions.
• Seventy-three percent consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 15% hold the opposite view. Residents of cities, younger respondents, and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. On the other hand, every sixth rural resident and every fifth representative of the older generation considers themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Lviv and Ivano-Frankivsk regions. Among neighboring countries, residents consider themselves close to Poland and, to a lesser extent, Belarus.
• Thirty-two percent expressed a desire to start their own business. Four percent of respondents stated that they are already entrepreneurs. A higher level of desire to start a business is observed among city residents, younger, and wealthier respondents. Among the latter, nearly one quarter stated that they already run their own business. Among those wishing to start a business, 34% would like to engage in trade, 15% in farming, 13% in construction and repair, and 11% in car service.
• Over the past year, the number of those expressing a desire to work abroad has slightly decreased, from 45% to 42%. At the same time, 50% of them are ready in the future to invest their earnings in starting a business in Ukraine. Traditionally, a higher level of migration intentions is observed among youth, at 65%.
• An absolute majority, at 95%, believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Only 3% support granting the Russian language any official status.
• An absolute majority of respondents, at 92%, consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Only 2% hold the opposite view.
• Over the past year, the number of those supporting Ukraine’s accession to the European Union has slightly increased, from 77% to 83%. Seventy percent continue to support accession to NATO. Among different directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector leads, at 73%, while 14% support Ukraine maintaining equal distance from Russia and the West, and only 2% support accession to the Customs Union.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of the Lviv region from November 16 to December 7, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region and the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 5% of respondents assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 43% consider the situation in their region to be calm, and 59% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Nearly 70% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 23% as critical. At the local level, assessments are somewhat better: between 30% and 43% of respondents consider the situation tense, and only about 5–7% consider it critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of movement worse (25%) than that of the region (37%). Almost half of respondents note a positive situation in the settlement where they live. Relatively better assessments of the direction of development of both the country and the region are observed among residents of small towns.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the situation in the country and the region, general expectations among residents of the region are rather neutral-positive. Only one in five to one in six respondents believes that the situation in Ukraine and at the local level will worsen next year. Almost half believe that the situation will not change, while one in five has optimistic expectations for the future.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (79%) and bribery and corruption in government (53%) are the two main nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about low wages and pensions, rising utility tariffs (50% each), and rising prices for basic goods (49%). Rising prices for basic goods are felt more acutely in rural areas and other towns of the region.
• Among those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections, the leaders of the presidential rating are Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 16.7% are ready to support, Petro Poroshenko with 15.5%, and Anatolii Hrytsenko with 14.8%. Andrii Sadovyi would receive 10.4% of the vote, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk 9.9%, Volodymyr Zelenskyi 6.8%, Oleksandr Shevchenko 6.1%, and Oleh Liashko 4.1%. Other candidates have ratings below 3%. At the same time, almost every sixth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• One quarter of respondents believe that Petro Poroshenko will win the presidential election. Seventeen percent are confident in the victory of Yuliia Tymoshenko. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of the victory of both candidates has doubled. About 6% see Anatolii Hrytsenko as the winner. Fewer than 3% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in their favorites is primarily shown by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Yurii Boiko. Half of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings among those who have decided and intend to participate in elections, Batkivshchyna leads with 18%, followed by Civic Position with 16.6% and Samopomich with 15%. European Solidarity would receive 13.4%, Servant of the People 7.3%, and UKROP and Svoboda 6.6% each. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, almost every sixth resident of the region has not decided on a party choice.
• Orientation of a candidate toward closer cooperation with the European Union (86%) and the candidate’s personal leadership qualities (62%) are the motives that have a significant influence on respondents’ presidential choice. For 53%, the candidate’s ability to ensure radical changes in the country is important, while 42% say ensuring stability is more important. Fifty-one percent choose a candidate primarily because of their socio-economic program, while 41% consider ideological views more important. Fifty-three percent emphasize the importance of a candidate’s focus on solving national problems, while 41% focus on solving both national and regional problems. For 54%, experience in state politics is more important, while 38% highlight belonging to the generation of “new” politicians. This latter motive is dominant among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk.
• Thirty-one percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Thirty-eight percent believe the situation will not change, and only 12% think it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, and Petro Poroshenko more often expect positive changes. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud at the national level (50%) is higher than at the local level (21%). About 40% allow for minor fraud at the local level, and one third at the national level. At the settlement level, one quarter believe elections will be fair.
• Nine percent of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Seventeen percent take a neutral position on this issue. Seventy-one percent are opposed to this form of campaigning. Less affluent respondents are more favorable toward candidates distributing assistance.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities somewhat better than that of central authorities. Twenty percent of respondents are satisfied with the performance of President Petro Poroshenko, the same share are satisfied with Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 10% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, about 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities. More critical assessments are found in rural areas.
• Over the past year, satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration has increased (from 22% to 35%), as has satisfaction with the work of city or village heads (from 38% to 54%). Satisfaction with the activity of the regional administration is higher among residents of small towns.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in the level of corruption in Ukraine as a whole than in the region or their place of residence. Between 40% and 50% believe the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 4–8% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The vast majority of respondents are generally dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. Relatively better assessments were given to school education, road conditions, and public safety. Over the year, most indicators show positive dynamics or no change, with the greatest improvement seen in road conditions and safety. A decline was recorded in social protection. The worst-rated area is the fight against bribery.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated opportunities for leisure and recreation and for finding a job the highest, and entrepreneurship the lowest. Opportunities for leisure and success are rated higher by residents of the regional center, opportunities to find a job and engage in entrepreneurship by residents of Lviv and small towns, and safety by rural residents. Younger and wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher than older and poorer ones.
• About 7–9% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. More than 40% assess it as medium. More than one third see low potential, and 6–9% see no prospects for economic growth at all. Residents of the regional center and younger respondents assess growth potential more positively.
• The absolute majority of respondents (84%) feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. Slightly more feel proud to be residents of their region (87%) and of their city or village (88%). The older the respondent, the higher the level of pride. Most often, respondents cited local traditions and regional history (53–54%) as sources of pride. Culture and art are mentioned by 44%, nature by 31%, landmarks by 25%, prominent people by 17%, local residents and cuisine by 14% each, and natural resources and science and education by 10% each.
• Almost 80% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 14% think otherwise. Urban residents, younger, and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. Conversely, one in five representatives of the older generation and one in four among the poorest consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Ivano-Frankivsk and Ternopil regions. Among neighboring countries, residents feel the greatest closeness to Poland, and somewhat less to Belarus and Slovakia.
• One third expressed a desire to start their own business. Six percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. At the same time, nearly half did not express such a desire. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of small towns, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one quarter reported already running a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 28% would like to engage in trade, 19% in construction, 15% in tourism, 13% in entertainment and leisure, and 11% in public catering.
• One third of respondents expressed a desire to work abroad. Over the past year, this share has not changed. At the same time, 55% of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future, while 27% do not plan to do so. Traditionally, higher migration intentions are observed among young people (55%) and wealthier respondents (44%).
• Ninety percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Seven percent support granting Russian the status of an official language in certain regions, and only 1% support granting Russian the status of a state language.
• The absolute majority of respondents (92%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Only 5% hold the opposite opinion.
• Over the past year, support for Ukraine’s accession to NATO has slightly increased (from 73% to 78%). Support for accession to the European Union stands at 85% (82% in 2017). Among various directions of foreign economic integration, 80% support accession to the EU, 12% support equidistance from Russia and the West, and only 1% support accession to the Customs Union.

• Within the framework of the project “Portraits of Regions,” the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Khmelnytskyi region from November 16 to December 5, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was conducted using the face-to-face interview method. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region, as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole somewhat worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 9% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 36% consider the situation calm in their home region, and 54% in their own city or village. Forty-six percent of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 41% as critical. At the local level, assessments of the state of affairs are somewhat better: between 35% and 47% of respondents view the situation as tense, and only about 10% as critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of movement worse, at 10%, than that of the region, at 24%, or especially their own city or village, at 40%. More optimistic assessments of the direction of local development are observed among residents of the regional center.
• Despite negative assessments of the state of affairs, overall expectations among residents of the region are rather positive-neutral. From 20% to 24% believe that the situation in Ukraine and at the local level will improve. About half believe that the situation in general will not change. Twenty-two percent believe that the situation will worsen in Ukraine, while with regard to the local level such respondents range from 11% to 14%.
• The military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, cited by 84%, is the main nationwide problem according to respondents. Thirty-six percent also consider corruption in government to be a national problem, and 32% each point to low income and unemployment. At the personal level, respondents are most concerned about low wages and pensions, cited by 61%, rising utility tariffs, cited by 56%, and inflation, cited by 48%. Among personal problems, residents of Khmelnytskyi city are more concerned about tariffs and inflation, while for rural residents more significant problems are low income, corruption, the military conflict, and unemployment.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 23.1% of those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections are ready to support. About 14% are ready to vote for Petro Poroshenko and Anatolii Hrytsenko, 8.0% for Volodymyr Zelenskyi, 6.6% for Oleh Liashko, 5.2% for Oleksandr Shevchenko, 4.9% for Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, 3.7% for Yurii Boiko, and 3.4% for Ruslan Koshulynskyi. The rating of other candidates is below 3%. At the same time, almost every fourth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• About 23% of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential elections. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has doubled. Fourteen percent are confident in Petro Poroshenko’s victory, which is slightly less than last year, when it was 18%. No more than 4% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in their favorites is demonstrated mainly by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• Petro Poroshenko leads the anti-rating. Almost 37% of respondents stated that they would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 22.4% of those who have decided and will participate in the elections. Eleven point three percent are ready to vote for the Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity,” 11.0% for Civic Position, 9.3% for Svoboda, 6.8% for the Radical Party, 6.1% each for UKROP and the Servant of the People party, 4.2% for the Agrarian Party, 4.0% for Vidrodzhennia, 3.8% for Samopomich, and 2.7% for the Opposition Bloc. The rating of other parties is below 2%. At the same time, almost every fifth resident of the region has not decided on a party choice.
• Orientation of the candidate toward closer cooperation with the European Union, cited by 69%, focus on solving the country’s problems, cited by 63%, the socio-economic program, cited by 61%, and experience in state politics, cited by 59%, are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. Political experience plays a smaller role for supporters of Oleksandr Shevchenko and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, as well as for younger respondents. For 55%, the personal leadership qualities of the candidate are important, while 40% stated that the presence of a strong team is more important to them. The choice between ensuring stability and radical change divided respondents equally.
• Thirty-five percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Thirty-eight percent believe that the situation will not change, and only 11% state that it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko more often than others expect positive changes. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided on their choice.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of falsifications in the presidential elections at the national level, at 58%, is higher than in the region, at 40%, or in their city or village, at 32%. Another approximately 30–45% allow for minor falsifications, while 21% believe that there will definitely be no falsifications in their settlement.
• At the same time, 22% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Thirty-one percent take a neutral position on this issue, while 44% oppose this type of campaigning. Residents of cities are more favorable toward candidates distributing assistance.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Twelve percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko, 16% are satisfied with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 6% with the activity of the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities.
• Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration slightly decreased, from 30% to 25%, while satisfaction with the work of city or village heads increased noticeably, from 45% to 58%. The level of satisfaction with the work of the regional administration and local heads among residents of the regional center is higher than among residents of small towns and villages.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in the level of corruption nationwide, cited by 43%, than in the region or at their place of residence, cited by 25–26%. About half of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 5% reported a decrease in corruption nationwide, 9% in the region, and 15% in their own city or village.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the state of affairs in various spheres and services, with the exception of school education, where a relative majority are satisfied. In year-on-year dynamics, most indicators show either negative trends or no change. The assessment of safety has slightly improved, while ecology and social protection have worsened. Respondents expressed the most negative views regarding the fight against bribery at the local level.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the ability to relax and spend leisure time, as well as to live safely, the highest. The lowest rating was given to the opportunity to engage in entrepreneurship. Younger, wealthier respondents and residents of Khmelnytskyi city rate nearly all opportunities higher.
• About 9% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, and 5–6% for the region and their own city or village over the next 5–10 years. About 40% assess this potential at a medium level. About one third see low potential, and 9–12% see no opportunities for economic growth at all, either in Ukraine or locally. Rural residents assess growth potential in the country and the region more positively, while residents of the regional center assess potential in their own settlement more positively.
• The majority of respondents, at 75%, feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. Seventy-one percent feel proud to be residents of their region, and an even larger share, 81%, to be residents of their own city or village. Most often, respondents chose nature, at 52%, as the object of pride in their region. Thirty-four percent are proud of their region’s history, 26% of local traditions, and 24% each of culture and local residents.
• Almost 80% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 19% hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. On the other hand, 30% of representatives of the older generation and 36% of low-income respondents consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Vinnytsia, Ternopil, and Lviv regions. Among neighboring countries, residents consider themselves close to Poland and Belarus.
• One third of respondents expressed a desire to start their own business. Seven percent stated that they are already entrepreneurs. A higher level of desire to start a business is observed among city residents, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, 22% stated that they already run their own business. Among those wishing to start a business, 35% said they would like to engage in trade.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad remained at the same level, at 35–36%. At the same time, 49% of them are ready in the future to invest their earnings in starting a business in Ukraine, while 43% are not. A higher level of migration intentions is observed among youth, at 58%, residents of small towns, at 42%, and individuals with middle income levels, at 40%.
• Eighty-five percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Eight percent support granting Russian the status of an official language in certain regions, and 3% support granting Russian the status of a state language.
• An absolute majority of respondents, at 78%, consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Fifteen percent hold the opposite view, and another 7% hesitated in their assessment.
• Over the past year, the number of those supporting Ukraine’s accession to the European Union has slightly decreased, from 63% to 61%, as has support for NATO accession, from 54% to 52%. Among different directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector leads, at 59%. The number of those supporting Ukraine maintaining equal distance from Russia and the West has increased, from 20% to 29%. The number of supporters of accession to the Customs Union has decreased from 9% to 3%.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Rivne region from November 16 to December 2, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole somewhat worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 5% of respondents assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 30% consider the situation in their region to be calm, and 40% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Almost 60% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 33% as critical. At the local level, assessments are somewhat better: between 40% and 50% of respondents consider the situation tense, and only about 10% consider it critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of movement worse (17%) than that of the region (20%) or their city or village (27%). Residents of rural areas are particularly critical in assessing the direction of development of both the country and their locality. Among age groups, representatives of the middle generation are the most critical.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather neutral-positive. Only one in ten believes that the situation in Ukraine and at the local level will worsen next year. The overwhelming majority believe that the situation will not change, while one in five has optimistic expectations for the future.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (64%) and bribery and corruption in government (41%) are the two main nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about low wages and pensions (45%), rising utility tariffs (40%), and the war in Donbas (36%). Socio-economic problems such as low wages and pensions, unemployment, and inflation are felt more acutely in rural areas.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 22.5% of those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections are ready to support. Petro Poroshenko is supported by 16.4%, Volodymyr Zelenskyi by 15.1%, Oleh Liashko by 7.5%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 7.3%, Oleksandr Shevchenko by 6.2%, and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk by 6.1%. Other candidates have ratings below 5%. At the same time, almost every fifth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• More than one quarter of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has nearly doubled. As last year, 16% are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko. About 8% believe that Volodymyr Zelenskyi will win. Fewer than 3% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in their favorites is mainly shown by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Almost 40% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 25.9% of those who have decided and intend to participate in elections. The Servant of the People party is supported by 16.8%, European Solidarity by 11.8%, the Radical Party by 7.9%, Civic Position by 7.8%, UKROP by 6.0%, and Svoboda by 4.4%. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, almost every fifth resident of the region has not decided on a party choice.
• Orientation of a candidate toward closer cooperation with the European Union (87%), focus on solving the country’s problems (71%), and a socio-economic program (65%) are the motives that have a significant influence on respondents’ presidential choice. For 57%, the candidate’s ability to ensure radical changes in the country is important, while 40% say that ensuring stability is more important. Fifty-six percent choose a candidate primarily because of leadership qualities, while 36% consider the presence of a strong team more important. The choice between experience in state politics and belonging to the generation of “new” politicians divides respondents evenly. The latter motive dominates among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, and Oleksandr Shevchenko.
• Thirty-seven percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Forty-two percent believe the situation will not change, and only 10% think it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, and Oleksandr Shevchenko more often expect positive changes. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud at the national level (46%) is higher than at the local level (33%). About 40% allow for minor falsifications.
• At the same time, 17% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Eighteen percent take a neutral position on this issue. Sixty-three percent oppose this form of campaigning. More favorable attitudes toward candidates distributing assistance are found in rural areas and among poorer respondents.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Eighteen percent of respondents are satisfied with the performance of President Petro Poroshenko, the same share are satisfied with Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 6% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities. More critical assessments are found in rural areas.
• Over the year, satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration has somewhat decreased (from 28% to 22%), as has satisfaction with the work of city or village heads (from 42% to 38%). Satisfaction with local heads is higher among residents of small towns and villages than in the regional center.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in the level of corruption in Ukraine as a whole than in the region or their place of residence. Half of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 5–6% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The vast majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. Over the year, most indicators show negative dynamics or no change. An exception is road conditions, the assessment of which improved over the year. The situation in school education is assessed relatively better. The worst evaluations concern the fight against bribery at the local level.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated opportunities for leisure and recreation and for living safely the highest, and entrepreneurship the lowest. Opportunities for leisure, success, and finding a job are rated higher by residents of the regional center, opportunities for entrepreneurship by residents of small towns, and living safely by rural residents. Younger and wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher than older and poorer ones.
• About 7% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. About 40% assess it as medium. Only about one third see low potential, and 7–8% see no prospects for economic growth at all, both in Ukraine and locally. Residents of the regional center assess growth potential more critically.
• The absolute majority of respondents (84%) feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. Slightly more feel proud to be residents of their region (85%) and of their city or village (87%). Most often, respondents cited nature (49%) as a source of pride for their region. Thirty percent are proud of the history of their land, 20% of local traditions and residents, 18% of culture and art, 14% of natural resources, and 12% of sports achievements.
• Almost 80% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 20% think otherwise. Urban residents, younger, and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. At the same time, one in five rural residents and one in three representatives of the older generation consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Lviv and Volyn regions. Among neighboring countries, residents feel closest to Belarus and Poland.
• Almost 40% expressed a desire to start their own business. Seven percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of the regional center, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one quarter reported already running a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 36% would like to engage in trade, 12–13% in services and leisure as well as farming, and 10–11% in construction, tourism, and the beauty and wellness industry.
• Over the past year, the number of those wishing to work abroad has slightly increased (from 36% to 41%). At the same time, 60% of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future. Traditionally, higher migration intentions are observed among young people (55%), residents of the regional center (46%), and wealthier respondents (45%).
• Eighty-seven percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Eight percent support granting Russian the status of an official language in certain regions, and 3% support granting Russian the status of a state language.
• The absolute majority of respondents (86%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Only 9% hold the opposite opinion.
• Over the past year, support for Ukraine’s accession to the European Union has increased (from 62% to 72%), as has support for NATO accession (from 48% to 59%). Among different directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector leads (60%), 26% support equidistance from Russia and the West, and only 2% support accession to the Customs Union.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Odesa region from November 16 to December 4, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole somewhat worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 3% of respondents assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 19% consider the situation in their region to be calm, and 42% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Fifty-two percent of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 40% as critical. Half of respondents assess the situation in the region as tense, while another 21% consider it critical. Assessments of the situation in respondents’ own city are better: 38% see it as tense and 14% as critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of movement worse (9%) than that of the region (14%) or their city or village (23%). Residents of the regional center are less critical in their assessments of the direction of development of both the country and their locality.
• General expectations among residents of the region are rather negative-neutral. Only one in ten believes that the situation in Ukraine and at the local level will improve next year. About 40% believe that it will not change, while about one quarter have pessimistic expectations about the future. Between 22% and 23% were unable to answer this question.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (62%), lack of jobs and unemployment (40%), and bribery and corruption in government (40%) are the three main nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about rising utility tariffs (65%), low wages and pensions (56%), and rising prices for basic goods (55%). Problems such as low wages and pensions, unemployment, and inflation are felt more acutely in rural areas, while rising utility tariffs are felt more acutely in cities.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 19.9% of those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections are ready to support. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 17.5%, Yurii Boiko by 15.2%, Yevhenii Muraiiev by 8.6%, Vadym Rabinovych by 7.2%, Oleh Liashko by 6.6%, Petro Poroshenko by 5.4%, and Anatolii Hrytsenko by 4.8%. Other candidates have ratings below 3%. At the same time, approximately every fifth resident of the region does not wish to vote, and every seventh has not decided on a candidate.
• Nineteen percent of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has doubled. Six percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko (compared to 16% in 2017). About 6% believe that Yurii Boiko will win, and 5% believe in the victory of Volodymyr Zelenskyi. Fewer than 3% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in their favorites is mainly shown by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Yurii Boiko, and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Three quarters of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 21.3% of those who have decided and intend to participate in elections. The Opposition Bloc is supported by 18.7%, Servant of the People by 15.3%, the Nashy party by 8.6%, Za Zhyttia by 7.1%, the Radical Party by 6.5%, European Solidarity by 5.1%, and Civic Position by 4.3%. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, one quarter of residents of the region do not wish to vote, and every seventh has not decided.
• A candidate’s ability to ensure stability in the country (61%) and their socio-economic program (62%) are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. Fifty-three percent choose a candidate primarily because of leadership qualities, while 39% consider the presence of a strong team more important. For 51%, a candidate’s experience in state politics is important, while 41% say that belonging to the generation of “new” politicians is more important. The latter motive dominates among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Yevhenii Muraiiev. A candidate’s focus on solving the country’s problems is a motive for choice for 52% of respondents, while for 42% it is important that the candidate focuses on solving the problems of both the country and the region. For 38%, orientation toward cooperation with the EU is important, while for 31% cooperation with Russia is more important; one third have not decided on this issue.
• Twenty-three percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections, while the same share hold the opposite view. Thirty-four percent believe that the situation will not change. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko more often expect positive changes. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud at the national level (63%) is higher than at the local level (54% in the region and 46% in the city or village). About 25% allow for minor falsifications at all levels.
• At the same time, 22% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Thirty percent take a neutral position on this issue. Forty-four percent oppose this form of campaigning. Older and poorer respondents are more favorable toward candidates distributing assistance.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Only 4–6% are satisfied with the performance of President Petro Poroshenko, Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 90% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities.
• Over the year, satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration has almost not changed (from 24% to 26%). Fifty-three percent, as last year, stated that they are satisfied with the activity of the city or village head. Satisfaction with local heads is somewhat higher among residents of cities and the regional center than among rural residents.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in the level of corruption in Ukraine as a whole than in the region or their place of residence. About 40% believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 3–5% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. Over the year, no changes are observed for most indicators. Only assessments of agricultural development and road conditions have improved. The situation with school education, road conditions, and agriculture is assessed relatively better. The worst evaluations concern the fight against bribery at the local level and industrial development.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated opportunities for leisure and recreation the highest, and opportunities for entrepreneurship and living safely the lowest. Residents of the regional center, as well as younger and wealthier respondents, rate all opportunities higher.
• About 6% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. About one quarter assess it as medium. At the same time, about one third see low potential, and 15–17% see no prospects for economic growth at all, both in Ukraine and locally. Younger and middle-aged respondents assess growth potential more critically.
• More than half of respondents (60%) feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine, while 28% hold the opposite view. Slightly more feel proud to be residents of their region (72%) and of their city or village (81%). Most often, respondents cited nature (46%), history (43%), and local residents (40%) as sources of pride for their region. Thirty percent are proud of regional culture and art, 27% of traditions, 25% of landmarks, 22% of cuisine and culinary traditions, 13% of natural resources, and 11% of prominent people.
• Two thirds consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while one quarter hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. At the same time, one in three representatives of the older generation consider themselves unhappy, and among the poor this share reaches 43%.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Mykolaiv region. Among neighboring countries, respondents most often chose Belarus and Russia, as well as Moldova, as being close.
• Almost 26% expressed a desire to start their own business. Ten percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs, while half stated that they do not have such aspirations. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of the regional center, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one third reported already running a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 31% would like to engage in trade, 13% in farming, and 7–9% in public catering, tourism, construction and repairs, car service, transport services, the beauty and wellness industry, entertainment, and leisure.
• Over the past year, the number of those wishing to work abroad has almost not changed (from 28% to 30%). At the same time, 53% of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future. Higher migration intentions are observed among young people (46%), residents of the regional center (33%), and wealthier respondents (43%).
• Forty-one percent support granting Russian the status of a state language, 29% support granting it official status in certain regions, and 26% believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language.
• Forty-seven percent of respondents do not consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine, while 28% hold the opposite view. One quarter were unable to answer this question.
• The number of opponents of the pro-Western vector exceeds the number of supporters. At the same time, over the past year, support for Ukraine’s accession to the EU has slightly increased (from 24% to 29%), as has support for NATO accession (from 15% to 18%). The number of supporters of accession to the Customs Union has decreased (from 27% to 18%). At the same time, the share of those who support Ukraine’s equidistance from Russia and the West has increased (from 39% to 45%).

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Zhytomyr region from November 16 to December 2, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 6% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 24% consider the situation in their home region to be calm, and 41% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Nearly 55% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 34% as critical. At the local level, assessments are somewhat better: between 38% and 51% see the situation as tense, and about 14–17% as critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction of movement worse (16%) than that of the region (24%) or their city or village (29%). Residents of Zhytomyr city and small towns assess the direction of local development more critically. With regard to the direction of Ukraine’s movement, residents of the regional center are more pessimistic. Among age groups, representatives of the younger generation are the most critical.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather positive-neutral. One in five believes that the situation in Ukraine and at the local level will improve next year. Half of respondents believe that the situation will not change. Nevertheless, about 20% have negative expectations.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (61%) is the main nationwide problem according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about low wages and pensions (48%), rising utility tariffs (45%), and rising prices for basic goods and inflation (35%). Socio-economic problems such as low wages and pensions, unemployment, and inflation are felt more acutely in rural areas, while lack of opportunities for entrepreneurship and education, as well as rising crime, are more characteristic concerns in small towns.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 22.1% of those who have decided and intend to participate in the elections are ready to support. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 14.5%, Petro Poroshenko by 12.0%, Oleh Liashko by 11.9%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 5.7%, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk by 5.5%, Yurii Boiko by 3.5%, and Yevhenii Murayev by 3.4%. Other candidates have ratings below 3%. At the same time, nearly one in five residents of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• One in five believes that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has doubled. Eleven percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko (15% in 2017). Five percent see Volodymyr Zelenskyi winning, and about 4% expect Oleh Liashko to win. No more than 3% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Nearly 38% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 25.1% of those who have decided and intend to vote. Servant of the People is supported by 16.3%, European Solidarity by 12.4%, the Radical Party by 10.6%, Civic Position by 5.3%, and the Opposition Bloc by 4.3%. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, nearly one quarter of residents of the region have not decided on a party.
• Orientation of a candidate toward closer cooperation with the European Union (62%) is the motive that has a significant influence on respondents’ presidential choice. Other motives split respondents roughly in half. For 50%, the candidate’s ability to ensure radical changes in the country is important, while 42% stated that ensuring stability is more important to them. Forty percent said that experience in state politics is more important, while for half of respondents the candidate’s belonging to the generation of “new politicians” is important. The latter motive is dominant among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk, and Yevhenii Murayev. Forty-nine percent choose a candidate primarily because of leadership qualities, while for 43% the presence of a strong team is more important. Forty-seven percent choose based on the socio-economic program, and 43% based on ideological views. Respondents equally assess the importance of a candidate’s orientation toward solving problems of the country or of the region.
• Thirty-five percent of respondents believe that the situation will not change as a result of the upcoming presidential elections, while 33% believe that it will improve. Fifteen percent state that it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Yevhenii Murayev more often expect positive changes. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided on their choice.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud at the nationwide level (36%) is higher than at the local level (25%). About 40% also allow the possibility of minor falsifications at all levels. At the same time, one quarter of respondents are convinced that there will be no fraud in their city or village.
• At the same time, 15% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Thirty-one percent take a neutral position on this issue, while 51% oppose this type of campaigning. Poorer respondents are more favorable toward candidates distributing assistance.
• Residents of the region assess the performance of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Thirteen percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko and Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 7% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities. More critical assessments are observed in the regional center.
• Twenty-five percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of the regional state administration (28% in 2017). Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the city or village head did not change (42%). Local leaders are rated more favorably in the regional center and in villages.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in corruption in Ukraine as a whole than in the region or their place of residence. Half of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Between 10% and 14% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. In year-to-year dynamics, most indicators show no change. The situation in school education is rated relatively better. Assessments of road conditions and life safety improved significantly over the year. Respondents expressed the most negative views about the state of the environment.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the possibility of finding a job relatively higher, and the possibility of engaging in entrepreneurship the lowest. Opportunities for leisure and recreation and achieving success are rated higher by residents of the regional center, entrepreneurship by residents of small towns, and living safely by residents of villages. In general, urban residents rate job-search opportunities higher than rural residents. Younger and wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher than older and poorer ones.
• About 7% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. About 40% assess this potential as medium. One third see low potential, and 10–13% see no prospects for economic growth at all, both nationally and locally. Residents of small towns assess growth potential more critically.
• The majority of respondents (72%) feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. The same share feel proud to be residents of their region, and 75% of their city or village. The older the respondents, the higher the level of pride. The most common source of regional pride is nature (56%). Forty percent are proud of their region’s history, 26% of culture and art, 24% of local residents, 18% of natural resources, 11% of notable people and landmarks, and 10% of traditions.
• Sixty-nine percent consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while nearly 27% hold the opposite view. Residents of cities, younger respondents, and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. On the other hand, one third of older respondents and nearly half of poorer respondents consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Kyiv and Vinnytsia regions. Among neighboring countries, respondents consider themselves closest to Belarus and Poland, as well as Russia.
• Nearly one third of respondents expressed a desire to start their own business. Seven percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. Half do not have such aspirations. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of the regional center, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one in five stated that they already run a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 31% would like to engage in trade, 12% in construction and repair, 10% in farming, 10% in entertainment and leisure, and 9% in the beauty and health industry.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad increased from 22% to 32%. At the same time, 60% of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future. Higher migration intentions are observed among young people (47%), residents of the regional center (38%), and respondents with average income levels (36%).
• Seventy-four percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Fourteen percent support granting Russian official status in certain regions, and 9% support granting Russian the status of a state language.
• More than half of respondents (64%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Twenty percent hold the opposite view, and 16% are undecided.
• Over the past year, the share of those supporting Ukraine’s accession to the European Union decreased slightly from 61% to 57%, as did support for NATO accession (from 48% to 44%). At the same time, the number of opponents did not increase. Among directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector leads with 51%, 34% support Ukraine’s equidistance from Russia and the West, and only 5% support accession to the Customs Union.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Cherkasy region from November 16 to December 7, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 3% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 18% consider the situation in the region to be calm and 49% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Fifty-seven percent of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 34% as critical. In the region, 61% see the situation as tense, while in their city 36% do so; only 5% consider the local situation to be critical.
• Respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction (13%) and the region’s direction (15%) worse than that of their city or village (29%). Residents of rural settlements and the oldest respondents are more optimistic in their assessments of the situation in their locality.
• Despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather neutral-positive. About 19% believe that the situation in Ukraine will improve next year, 13% hold this view regarding the region, and 16% regarding their settlement. The overwhelming majority believe that the situation will not change. Between 11% and 15% think it will worsen. Younger respondents and residents of smaller settlements are more optimistic in their assessments.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (87%) and corruption in government (64%) are the two largest nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about rising utility tariffs (64%), low income (61%), and inflation (55%). At the level of personal problems, socio-economic issues such as unemployment, inflation, high tariffs, and low income are felt more acutely in rural areas, while problems of corruption and social protection concern residents of the regional center somewhat more.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 20.6% of those who have decided and intend to vote are ready to support. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 12.6%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 12.1%, Petro Poroshenko by 9.4%, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk by 5.9%, Ruslan Koshulynskyi by 5.8%, Oleh Liashko by 5.6%, Yurii Boiko by 4.2%, Oleksandr Shevchenko by 4.1%, and Andrii Sadovyi by 2.7%. Other candidates have ratings below 2.5%. One in ten residents of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• Twenty-one point three percent of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has doubled. Nine percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko (14% in 2017). About 6% see Volodymyr Zelenskyi winning, 4.5% Anatolii Hrytsenko, 3% Ruslan Koshulynskyi and Yurii Boiko each, and 2% Oleh Liashko. Fewer than 2% believe in the victory of other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Yurii Boiko, Petro Poroshenko, and Ruslan Koshulynskyi.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. More than 60% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 21.0% of those who have decided and intend to vote. Servant of the People is supported by 14.1%, Civic Position by 12.9%, European Solidarity by 8.8%, Svoboda by 6.0%, the Radical Party by 5.2%, the Opposition Bloc by 4.7%, and UKROP by 4.2%. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, 11% of respondents have not decided on a party.
• Orientation of a candidate toward solving the country’s problems (68%), personal leadership qualities (67%), socio-economic program (60%), and orientation toward closer cooperation with the European Union (59%) are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. At the same time, 30% also tend to focus on a politician’s ideological views rather than their program, 28% focus on the candidate’s strong team, and for 22% attention to their region is important. For 56%, experience in politics is important, while 40% state that belonging to the generation of “new politicians” matters more to them, which is especially relevant for younger voters and supporters of Ruslan Koshulynskyi, Volodymyr Zelenskyi, and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk. When choosing between radical change and ensuring stability, 54% choose radical change, particularly supporters of Koshulynskyi, while 36% prefer stability.
• Thirty-five percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections, while the same share believe that it will not change. Only 8% believe it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko more often expect positive changes. Respondents who do not intend to vote expect significantly fewer positive changes.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud at the nationwide level (61%) is higher than at the regional level (42%) or in their city or village (28%). About one third also allow the possibility of minor falsifications. Twenty-one percent believe that there will be no fraud in their locality.
• At the same time, 17% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Twenty-three percent take a neutral position, while 54% oppose this type of campaigning. Residents of villages and the poorest respondents are more favorable toward the distribution of assistance.
• Residents of the region assess the performance of local authorities better than that of central authorities. Eleven percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko, 13% with Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 7% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities.
• Over the year, satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration declined from 23% to 17%, while satisfaction with the work of city or village heads remained almost unchanged at 46–47%. Satisfaction with local leaders is significantly higher among rural residents.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in corruption in Ukraine as a whole (52%) than in the region (35%) or their place of residence (21%). Thirty-seven percent believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at the central level, while 43–49% hold this view regarding their locality. Only 1–4% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. The situation in school education, life safety, and agricultural development is rated relatively better. In agriculture, approval dynamics over the year are the most positive. At the same time, assessments of school education, ecology, social protection, and the fight against corruption have declined, with the latter rated the worst.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the possibility of leisure and recreation the highest, and the ability to achieve success the lowest. Most opportunity areas, except leisure, are rated higher by wealthier respondents. Young people and rural residents rate leisure and safety higher, while younger respondents also rate opportunities for achieving success higher. Residents of the regional center rate job opportunities higher.
• Only 2–3% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. Between 20% and 30% assess this potential as medium. About 40–45% see low potential. Twelve to fourteen percent see no prospects for economic growth in Ukraine and the region at all, while 24% see none in their city or village. Residents of small towns assess growth potential for the country and region somewhat better.
• Between 73% and 74% feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine, residents of the region, and residents of their city or village. Older respondents feel pride slightly more often. The most common sources of regional pride are nature (48%) and history (44%). Culture and traditions are cited by 31% each, notable people of the region by 28%, landmarks and local residents by 18–19%, cuisine and culinary traditions by 13%, and sports achievements and natural resources by 10–11%.
• About 70% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 17% hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. At the same time, one in five among the older generation and one in three among the poorest respondents consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region most often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Kyiv, Poltava, and Kirovohrad regions. Among neighboring countries, respondents consider themselves closest to Belarus, somewhat less to Poland, and partially to Russia.
• Twenty-seven percent expressed a desire to start their own business, while 47% do not have such a desire and 18% are undecided. Eight percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of smaller towns and villages, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, 28% stated that they already run a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 31% would like to engage in trade.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad decreased from 39% to 34%. Forty percent of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future, while 30% are not. Higher migration intentions are observed among young people (62%).
• An absolute majority of respondents (85%) believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Eight percent support granting Russian official status in certain regions, and 4% support granting Russian the status of a state language.
• Eighty-one percent consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Only 9% hold the opposite view, and 10% were unable to answer.
• Support for Ukraine’s accession to the European Union has slightly decreased from 64% to 61%. Support for NATO accession has remained almost unchanged at 47–48%, while the number of opponents decreased from 24% to 20%. Among directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector leads with 50% (59% in 2017). Only 2% support accession to the Customs Union. Over time, the share of those supporting Ukraine’s equidistance from Russia and the West increased from 20% to 33%.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Dnipropetrovsk region from November 16 to December 2, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 6% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 30% consider the situation in the region to be calm and 40% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Fifty percent of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 40% as critical. At the local level, assessments are better: between 35% and 42% see the situation as tense, and about 20% consider it critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction (12%) worse than that of the region (21%) or their city or village (26%). Residents of the regional center assess local affairs better than the overall situation in the country, while a more critical attitude toward local affairs is expressed by residents of other cities in the region.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather neutral-positive. Only 16–18% believe that the situation in Ukraine and at the local level will worsen next year. Half believe it will not change, while between 16% and 19% have optimistic expectations about the future.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (70%) is the main nationwide problem according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about rising utility tariffs (51%), low wages and pensions (48%), and the war in Donbas (41%). Problems such as bribery and corruption in government, low wages and pensions, and rising utility tariffs are felt more acutely in rural areas.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 21.8% of those who have decided and intend to vote are ready to support. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 17.0%, Yurii Boiko by 14.0%, Petro Poroshenko by 8.8%, Yevhenii Murayev by 6.0%, Oleh Liashko by 5.2%, and Anatolii Hrytsenko by 4.7%. Other candidates have ratings below 3%. At the same time, more than a quarter of residents of the region have not decided on a candidate.
• One in five respondents believes that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has tripled. As last year, 9% are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko. About 7% see Volodymyr Zelenskyi winning, and 5% Yurii Boiko. No more than 2% believe in the victory of other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Almost 60% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 21.1% of those who have decided and intend to vote. Servant of the People is supported by 15.2%, the Opposition Bloc by 14.6%, the “For Life” party by 6.4%, European Solidarity by 5.5%, UKROP and the Radical Party by 5.3% each, the “Nashi” party by 4.4%, and Civic Position by 3.6%. Other parties have ratings below 2%. At the same time, almost one in five residents of the region has not decided on a party.
• A socio-economic program (69%) and orientation toward solving the country’s problems (63%) are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. For 58%, the candidate’s ability to ensure stability in the country is important, while 36% stated that ensuring radical change is more important to them. Orientation toward cooperation with the EU is important for 54%, while for 24% orientation toward cooperation with Russia is more important. Forty-nine percent choose a candidate primarily because of leadership qualities, while for 40% the presence of a strong team is more important. For 48%, experience in public office is more important, while for 42% belonging to the generation of “new politicians” matters more. The latter motive is dominant among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Yevhenii Murayev.
• Thirty-four percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Thirty-five percent believe that the situation will not change, and only 13% believe it will worsen. Supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi, Yuliia Tymoshenko, and Petro Poroshenko more often expect positive changes. Those who do not intend to vote more often expect deterioration.
• Two thirds of respondents expect significant election fraud in the presidential elections at both the national and local levels. One in four believes that falsifications will be minor, and fewer than 10% believe the elections will be fair.
• At the same time, 13% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Twenty percent take a neutral position, while 64% oppose this type of campaigning. A more favorable attitude toward the distribution of assistance by candidates is observed in the regional center and among the youngest respondents.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Thirteen percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, 12% with President Petro Poroshenko, and only 5% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of the President and the Prime Minister, and almost 90% with Parliament. More critical assessments are observed in cities of the region.
• Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration and city or village heads has practically not changed. Satisfaction with local heads is higher among residents of Dnipro and villages than in other cities of the region. Activity of the regional state administration is rated more positively in the regional center.
• Almost half of respondents believe that the level of corruption has increased both at the national and local levels. Thirty percent believe that the situation with bribery has not changed. Only 4–6% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. In annual dynamics, most indicators show negative trends or no change. The situation in school education and the condition of roads is assessed relatively better. Respondents speak most negatively about the fight against bribery at the local level.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the possibility of finding a job and leisure and recreation the highest, and engaging in entrepreneurship the lowest. Residents of the regional center, younger respondents, and wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher.
• One in ten sees high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. About one third assess this potential as medium. Almost the same share see low potential, while 11–13% see no opportunities for economic growth at any level. Younger and middle-aged respondents assess economic potential somewhat better, while rural residents are more critical regarding the potential of their own locality.
• Sixty-seven percent feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine. Slightly more feel proud to be residents of their region (72%) and of their city or village (74%). Pride increases with age. The most common sources of regional pride are nature (35%) and local history (31%). Twenty-one percent are proud of industry, 18% of local residents, 16% of natural resources, 14% of culture and sports achievements, 13% of landmarks, and 12% of regional traditions.
• More than 70% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while a quarter of respondents hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. At the same time, one in three representatives of the older generation consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Zaporizhzhia region. Among neighboring countries, respondents consider themselves closest to Belarus, Russia, and Poland.
• Thirty-five percent expressed a desire to start their own business. Nine percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. Almost half stated that they do not want to run their own business. A higher desire to become an entrepreneur is observed among residents of the regional center, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one quarter reported that they already run a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 35% would like to engage in trade, 10% in farming, 9% in construction and repair, and 8% in entertainment and leisure.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad increased slightly from 31% to 35%. Fifty-four percent of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future. Traditionally, higher migration intentions are observed among young people (55%), residents of cities in the region (about one third), and wealthier and middle-income respondents (about 40%).
• Fifty-two percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Thirty-six percent support granting Russian the status of a state language, and another 10% support granting Russian official status in certain regions.
• Half of respondents (52%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine, while 34% hold the opposite view.
• Over the past year, the share of those opposing Ukraine’s accession to the European Union increased from 25% to 32%, and to NATO from 37% to 43%. At the same time, the number of supporters of the pro-Western vector has remained almost unchanged (46% for EU accession and 32% for NATO). The share of those supporting Ukraine’s equidistance from the EU and Russia has also increased from 30% to 34%.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Kirovohrad region from November 16 to December 4, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 3% of respondents assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 19% consider the situation in the region to be calm, and 37% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Almost 58% view the situation in the country as tense, and 33% as critical. At the local level, assessments are somewhat better: between 45% and 55% see the situation as tense, and between 14% and 17% as critical.
• Respondents assess the correctness of the direction of movement of the country (15%) and the region (18%) worse than that of their city or village (27%). Residents of the regional center are more optimistic in these assessments, while people of middle age are more critical.
• Despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather neutral-positive. One in three to one in four believe that the situation in Ukraine and locally will improve next year. The overwhelming majority (40–50%) think that the situation will not change. Between 11% and 15% believe that it will worsen.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (79%) is the most significant nationwide problem according to residents of the region. Unemployment is also considered a major problem (47%). At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about low income and rising utility tariffs, both cited by 51%. Unemployment, inflation, and low income are felt more acutely in rural areas, while tariffs, healthcare, and social protection are of greater concern to residents of the regional center.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 24.1% of those who have decided and intend to vote are ready to support. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 13.4%, Petro Poroshenko by 12.9%, Oleh Liashko by 10.0%, Yurii Boiko by 9.6%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 4.9%, and Vadym Rabinovych and Oleksandr Shevchenko by 4.1% each. Other candidates have ratings below 3%. At the same time, every fifth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate.
• One quarter of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has increased more than threefold. Eleven percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko (the same as in 2017). About 6% consider the victory of Volodymyr Zelenskyi likely, 5% that of Yurii Boiko, and 4% that of Oleh Liashko. Fewer than 2% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Petro Poroshenko, and Vadym Rabinovych.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Almost 60% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 25.9% of those who have decided and intend to participate in elections. Servant of the People is supported by 15.6%, European Solidarity by 11.2%, the Opposition Bloc by 10.3%, the Radical Party by 8.8%, Za Zhyttia by 4.8%, and Civic Position by 4.7%. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, 18% have not decided on their choice.
• A candidate’s focus on solving the country’s problems (63%), socio-economic program (59%), and orientation toward closer cooperation with the EU (56%) are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. At the same time, 30% are inclined to focus on a politician’s ideological views rather than their program, 23% consider attention to their region important, and 22% view cooperation with Russia as more appropriate, especially voters of Yurii Boiko. For 52%, personal leadership qualities of the candidate are important, while 38% consider the presence of a strong team more important. Another 48% choose a candidate primarily because of political experience, while for 42% belonging to the generation of “new politicians” is important, particularly among younger respondents and voters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Oleksandr Shevchenko. When choosing between radical changes and ensuring stability, 49% prefer radical changes, while 42% lean more toward stability.
• Forty-seven percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will improve as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Thirty percent believe that the situation will not change, and only 9% say that it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko more often expect positive changes. Significantly fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who do not intend to vote.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud at the national level (43%) is higher than at the local level (20–26%). About half of respondents allow the possibility of minor falsifications. Twenty-one percent believe that there will be no fraud in their locality.
• Twenty-one percent of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Thirty-three percent take a neutral position, while 42% oppose this form of campaigning. Residents of the regional center and rural areas, as well as respondents with middle and lower income levels, are more favorable toward the distribution of assistance.
• Residents of the region assess the performance of local authorities better than that of central authorities. Nine percent are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko, slightly more (11%) with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 3% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities. Residents of the regional center assess it somewhat better.
• Over the year, satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration decreased significantly (from 39% to 19%), as did satisfaction with the work of the city or village head (from 51% to 36%). Satisfaction with local heads is higher among residents of small towns and villages.
• Respondents more often observe an increase in corruption in Ukraine as a whole (34%) than in the region (22%) or their place of residence (17%). Between 50% and 55% believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 4–6% reported a decrease in corruption in the region and the country, while 15% reported a decrease in their locality.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. Agricultural development, school education, and road conditions received relatively better evaluations. In year-to-year dynamics, most indicators show negative trends, with the exception of agriculture. Evaluations of school education, ecology, social protection, youth support, and the fight against corruption have deteriorated significantly, with the latter rated the worst.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated opportunities for leisure and recreation and achieving success the highest, and finding a job the lowest. All opportunities are rated higher by residents of the regional center. Leisure, success, and employment opportunities are rated better by wealthier respondents.
• About 21% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, while 10% see such potential for the region and for their city or village over the next 5–10 years. Between 35% and 45% assess the potential as medium. About one third see low potential, and 8–12% see no prospects for economic growth at all, both nationally and locally. Residents of the regional center assess the growth potential of their city somewhat more positively.
• Sixty-nine percent feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine, while 21% do not. Seventy percent feel proud to be residents of their region, and the highest share feel proud of their city or village (77%), while 17% hold the opposite view. Older respondents feel pride somewhat more often. The most common sources of regional pride are history (37%) and nature (36%). Twenty-three percent are proud of local culture, 20% of traditions, 18% of local residents, about 15% of agriculture, prominent people, and sports achievements, 12% of natural resources, and 11% of landmarks and cuisine.
• About 70% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 23% hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. At the same time, almost one third of representatives of the older generation and the poorest groups consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region most often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Cherkasy, Odesa, Mykolaiv, Kyiv, and Dnipropetrovsk regions. Among neighboring countries, respondents consider themselves closest to Belarus, Poland, and Russia.
• Thirty-four percent expressed a desire to start their own business, while 37% do not have such a desire and 23% are undecided. Six percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of small towns, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, 34% reported that they already run a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 47% would like to engage in trade.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad increased from 26% to 38%. At the same time, 65% of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future. Higher migration intentions are observed among young people (53%).
• Seventy percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Thirteen percent support granting Russian official status in certain regions, and 11% support granting Russian the status of a state language.
• About half of respondents (52%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine, while 30% hold the opposite view and 18% were unable to answer.
• Support for Ukraine’s accession to the European Union remains at the same level (45–46%). NATO accession is supported by 37%, the same as last year. At the same time, the number of opponents of alliance with NATO has slightly decreased (from 32% to 29%). Among directions of foreign economic integration, the pro-European vector is supported by 42%, and the Customs Union by 9%. Over time, the share of those supporting Ukraine’s equidistance from Russia and the West has decreased (from 34% to 26%).
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• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Kharkiv region from November 16 to December 4, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole significantly worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 6% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 33% consider the situation in the region to be calm and 45% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Fifty-four percent of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 37% as critical. Half of respondents assess the situation in the region as tense, and another 13% as critical. Assessments of the situation in respondents’ own cities are better: 36% see it as tense and 15% as critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction (14%) worse than that of the region (34%) or their city or village (40%). The direction of the country’s development is assessed most negatively in Kharkiv city and in rural areas, while the local situation is evaluated most critically by residents of small towns.
• General expectations among residents of the region are rather negative-neutral. Only one in ten believes that the situation in Ukraine will improve next year. Expectations regarding the local situation are somewhat more optimistic: 14% expect improvement in the region and 17% in their city or village. At the same time, about half believe that the situation will not change at any level, while about one quarter have pessimistic expectations regarding the future of Ukraine, and one quarter regarding the region or their place of residence.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (66%) is the main nationwide problem according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about rising utility tariffs (55%), low wages and pensions (50%), and rising prices for basic goods (44%). Most problems are felt more acutely in small towns and rural areas than in the regional center.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yurii Boiko, whom 19.8% of those who have decided and intend to vote are ready to support. Yuliia Tymoshenko and Volodymyr Zelenskyi are each supported by 15.5%, Yevhenii Murayev by 11.5%, Petro Poroshenko by 9.0%, Vadym Rabinovych by 6.5%, and Oleh Liashko by 4.5%. Other candidates have ratings below 4%. At the same time, every fourth resident of the region has not decided on a candidate, and every seventh does not intend to vote.
• At the same time, 19.5% of respondents believe that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has increased fivefold. Fourteen point one percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko (compared to 7% in 2017). About 4.8% see Yurii Boiko winning, and 4.3% Volodymyr Zelenskyi. No more than 3% believe in the victory of other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Almost 61% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, the Opposition Bloc leads with the support of 16.4% of those who have decided and intend to vote. Batkivshchyna is supported by 14.3%, Servant of the People by 12.6%, the “Nashi” party by 10.9%, European Solidarity by 9.0%, For Life by 8.7%, Revival by 8.3%, and the Radical Party by 4.0%. Other parties have ratings below 3%. At the same time, one quarter of residents of the region have not decided on a party choice, and one in six does not intend to vote.
• The candidate’s socio-economic program and personal leadership qualities (59% each) are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. At the same time, the presence of a strong team is important for 32% of respondents, and ideological views for 31%. Fifty-two percent expect a politician to be able to ensure stability in the country, while for 38% the desire to implement change is more important. Fifty-one percent choose a candidate primarily because of their orientation toward solving the country’s problems, while for 40% orientation toward solving both national and regional problems is important. For 47%, experience in public office matters, while 40% stated that belonging to the generation of “new politicians” is more important. The latter motive is dominant among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi and Yevhenii Murayev. For 44%, orientation toward cooperation with the European Union is important, while for 30% cooperation with Russia is more important, and one quarter have not decided on this issue.
• Thirty-three percent of respondents believe that the situation in Ukraine will not change as a result of the upcoming presidential elections, while 22% expect deterioration. On the other hand, 29% expect improvement. The largest share of those expecting improvement are among supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko. Relatively fewer positive changes are expected by respondents who have not decided or do not intend to vote. Half of those who do not intend to vote have negative expectations.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud in the presidential elections is higher at the national level (53%) than at the local level (48% in the region and 43% in the city or village). About one third also allow for minor falsifications at all levels.
• At the same time, 25% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Another 26% take a neutral position, while 46% oppose this type of campaigning. Vote-buying is more strongly condemned by residents of small towns and respondents of the middle age group.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Only 14% are satisfied with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, 9% with President Petro Poroshenko, and 8% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, about 90% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities.
• Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration and local heads increased: satisfaction with the regional administration rose from 29% to 40%, and with local leaders from 52% to 56%. Satisfaction with the regional administration and the mayor is highest among residents of Kharkiv city.
• Respondents more often perceive an increase in the level of corruption nationwide (45%) than in the region (34%) or at their place of residence (30%). About half of respondents believe that the level of bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 4–6% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. Relatively better assessments were given to the condition of roads, the environment, school education, and personal safety. The worst assessments concern the fight against bribery at the local level. In annual dynamics, improvements in assessments are observed for most indicators, especially regarding road conditions and personal safety.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated the possibility of leisure and recreation highest, and engaging in entrepreneurship lowest. Opportunities for recreation, achieving success, finding a job, and entrepreneurship were rated higher in the regional center, while personal safety was rated higher in small towns and villages. Younger and wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher.
• Respondents assess the economic development potential at the local level somewhat better than that of Ukraine as a whole. Only 7% see high economic development potential for Ukraine over the next 5–10 years. One quarter assess it as medium, while almost 40% see low potential and 17% see no opportunities for economic growth at all. In contrast, one in ten sees significant development potential locally, one third assess it as medium, one third as low, and one in ten see no potential. Residents of Kharkiv city assess the development potential of their city most positively.
• Half of respondents (52%) feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine, while 41% hold the opposite view. Significantly more feel proud to be residents of their region (76%) and of their city or village (82%). The most common sources of regional pride are nature (38%). Culture and art and history are each cited by 30%, landmarks by 29%, local residents by 28%, natural resources, science, and education by 23% each, regional traditions by 20%, sports achievements by 15%, prominent individuals by 13%, and industry by 12%.
• Almost 70% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while one quarter hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. At the same time, one in three representatives of the older generation consider themselves unhappy, and among the poor this share reaches 44%.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Poltava region. Among neighboring countries, respondents consider Belarus and Russia to be closest.
• Thirty percent expressed a desire to start their own business. Eight percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs, while 56% stated that they do not have such a desire. A higher desire to start a business is observed among residents of the regional center, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one quarter reported that they already run a business. Among those wishing to start a business, 29% would like to engage in trade, 15% in tourism, 14% in the beauty and health industry, 11% in entertainment and leisure or transport services, 10% in the IT sector, and 9% in farming or construction and repair.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad increased from 24% to 35%. Fifty-seven percent of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future, while 34% are not. Higher migration intentions are traditionally observed among young people (54%), city residents (35–37%), and respondents with middle and high incomes (44–45%).
• Thirty-seven percent support granting the Russian language state status, 31% support granting it official status in certain regions, while 28% believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language.
• Forty-eight percent of respondents do not consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine, while 35% hold the opposite view and 17% were unable to answer.
• The number of supporters of the pro-Western vector is smaller than the number of opponents, although the share of opponents decreased over the year. Thus, 35% support Ukraine’s accession to the European Union (33% in 2017), while 44% do not support it (49% in 2017). Twenty-four percent support accession to NATO (22% in 2017), while 56% do not support it (60% in 2017). Among different vectors of foreign economic integration, equidistance from Russia and the West continues to lead (36%). Twenty percent support accession to the Customs Union.
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• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Poltava region from November 16 to December 9, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 7% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 40% consider the situation in the region to be calm and 54% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Almost 69% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 21% as critical. At the local level, assessments of the situation are somewhat better: between 33% and 44% see the situation as tense, and only 7–10% consider it critical.
• Respondents assess the correctness of the direction of development of the country and the region somewhat worse, at 14% and 15% respectively, than that of their city or village, which stands at 22%. The correctness of developments in one’s own city or village is rated higher by residents of small towns and villages than by residents of the regional center.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather negative-neutral. More than half of respondents believe that the situation, both in Ukraine and locally, will not change next year. About one quarter believe it will worsen. Only one in ten has optimistic expectations about the future.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine, cited by 63%, and bribery and corruption in government, cited by 48%, are the two main nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about rising utility tariffs, mentioned by 64%, low wages and pensions, mentioned by 54%, and rising prices for basic goods and inflation, mentioned by 44%. Socio-economic problems such as low wages and pensions and inflation at the personal level are felt more acutely in the regional center and small towns.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 25.3% of those who have decided and intend to vote are ready to support. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 18.0%, Petro Poroshenko by 10.6%, Oleh Liashko by 8.5%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 7.9%, and Yurii Boiko by 6.7%. Other candidates have ratings below 5%. At the same time, one in five residents of the region has not decided on a candidate, and the same share does not intend to vote.
• Yuliia Tymoshenko is the candidate whose victory respondents believe in most. Over the past year, the share of those convinced of her victory increased from 18% to 29%. Fifteen percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko, compared to 23% in 2007. About 5% see Volodymyr Zelenskyi winning. No more than 3% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Fifty-two percent of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 28.7% of those who have decided and intend to vote. Servant of the People is supported by 16.1%, European Solidarity by 9.8%, Civic Position by 8.2%, the Radical Party by 7.9%, and the Opposition Bloc by 6.0%. Other parties have ratings below 4%. At the same time, almost one quarter of residents of the region have not decided on a party choice, and one in five does not intend to vote.
• Orientation of a candidate toward closer cooperation with the European Union, cited by 66%, is a motive that has a significant influence on respondents’ presidential choice. Fifty-eight percent choose a candidate primarily because of leadership qualities, while for 33% the presence of a strong team is more important. Sixty percent consider experience in public office important, while 34% say belonging to a generation of “new” politicians is more important, a motive that is dominant among supporters of Volodymyr Zelenskyi. Fifty-seven percent prioritize the socio-economic program, while 34% focus on ideological views. Orientation toward solving national problems is a motive for 54% of respondents, while for 39% it is important that the candidate focuses on solving both national and regional problems. The choice between a candidate’s ability to ensure stability in the country or to implement radical changes divided respondents almost evenly.
• Forty-six percent of respondents expect that the situation in Ukraine will not change as a result of the upcoming presidential elections. Another 24% believe the situation will improve, while 21% say it will worsen. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko are more likely than others to expect positive changes. Respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided on their choice are relatively less likely to expect positive changes.
• According to respondents, the likelihood of election fraud in the presidential elections is higher at the national level, at 53%, than at the regional level, at 35%, or the local level, at 24%. Another 40–50% allow for the possibility of minor falsifications.
• Eleven percent of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Twenty-one percent take a neutral position on this issue, while 66% oppose this type of campaigning. A more favorable attitude toward the distribution of assistance by candidates is observed in the regional center.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities somewhat better than that of central authorities. Ten percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko, 12% with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 5% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities.
• Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration decreased somewhat, from 28% to 15%, as did satisfaction with city and village heads, from 43% to 38%. The share of those dissatisfied with the activity of the regional state administration increased slightly, from 64% to 67%, while dissatisfaction with city and village heads remained almost unchanged. Satisfaction with local leaders is significantly higher among residents of small towns and villages than in the regional center.
• Respondents more often perceive an increase in corruption nationwide than in the region or at their place of residence. About half of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 5–9% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. In annual dynamics, all indicators show negative trends. Respondents speak most positively about the situation in agriculture and school education, although assessments of the latter have deteriorated significantly over the year. Significant declines were also observed in indices related to ecology, personal safety, the fight against corruption, social protection, and healthcare, with the last two rated worst by respondents.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated opportunities for recreation and leisure and the ability to live safely highest. The lowest ratings were given to opportunities for entrepreneurship. In cities, opportunities for recreation, job search, and safe living are rated higher. At the same time, residents of Poltava city assess opportunities for achieving success and engaging in entrepreneurship in their city very pessimistically. Younger and wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher than older and poorer ones.
• About 5% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. Almost one third assess the potential as medium. More than 40% see low potential, and 13–17% see no opportunities for economic growth at either the national or local level. Younger respondents rate growth potential at all levels more highly.
• More than half of respondents, at 59%, feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine, while 35% hold the opposite view. Respondents feel somewhat more pride in being residents of their region, at 70%, and of their city or village, at 74%. The most frequent sources of pride in the region are nature, cited by 38%, and history, cited by 37%. Twenty-six percent are proud of culture and art, 24% of traditions, 22% of local residents, 17% of natural resources, 14% each of landmarks and cuisine and culinary traditions, 12% of notable regional figures, and 10% of agriculture.
• Almost 69% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 27% hold the opposite view. Younger and wealthier respondents more often report personal happiness. On the other hand, 36% of older respondents and 49% of those in the poorest category consider themselves unhappy.
• Residents of the region most often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Kharkiv region. Among neighboring countries, residents consider themselves close to Russia, Belarus, and partly to Poland.
• Almost 28% expressed a desire to start their own business, while 64% hold the opposite view. Three percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs. A higher desire to start a business is observed among younger and wealthier respondents. Among the latter, 12% stated that they are already engaged in business. Among those wishing to start a business, 31% would like to engage in trade, 11% in the catering sector and farming, 10% in construction, and 9% each in entertainment and leisure, tourism, and the beauty and health industry.
• Twenty-seven percent of respondents expressed a desire to work abroad, while 68% hold the opposite view. Forty-eight percent are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future, while 34% did not express such intentions. Traditionally, higher migration intentions are observed among young people, at 50%, residents of the regional center, at 37%, and wealthier respondents, at 46%.
• Eighty percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Nine percent support granting the Russian language official status in certain regions, and 8% support granting it state language status.
• More than half of respondents, at 69%, consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine, while 21% hold the opposite view. One in ten was undecided.
• Over the past year, the share of those supporting Ukraine’s accession to the European Union, at 52%, and NATO, at 41%, has remained almost unchanged. Among different vectors of foreign economic integration, the pro-European direction leads at 50%, 31% support Ukraine’s equidistance from Russia and the West, and only 7% support accession to the Customs Union.

• Within the framework of the “Portraits of Regions” project, the Rating Group conducted a survey among residents of Chernihiv region from November 16 to December 4, 2018. In total, 1,600 respondents took part in the study, which was carried out using the method of face-to-face interviews. The sample was formed taking into account the age and gender structure of the region as well as the type of settlement. The margin of error does not exceed 2.4%.
• Analysis of the survey results showed that residents of the region assess the situation in the country as a whole significantly worse than the situation at the local level.
• Only 8% assessed the political situation in the country as calm, while 37% consider the situation in the region to be calm and 55% see the situation in their city or village as calm. Almost 69% of respondents view the situation in the country as tense, and 16% as critical. At the local level, assessments of the situation are somewhat better: between 30% and 40% see the situation as tense, and only about 3% consider it critical.
• Similarly, respondents assess the correctness of the country’s direction (12%) worse than that of the region (16%) or their city or village (31%). Evaluations of the direction of development of both the country and the region are especially critical among residents of small towns and villages. At the same time, in their own localities rural residents assess the situation somewhat better than those living in small towns.
• At the same time, despite negative assessments of the current situation, general expectations among residents of the region are rather positive-neutral. Only 15–20% believe that the situation, both in Ukraine and locally, will worsen next year. The overwhelming majority believe that it will not change, and one in ten has optimistic expectations about the future.
• The military conflict in eastern Ukraine (80%) and bribery and corruption in government (49%) are the two main nationwide problems according to residents of the region. At the personal level, respondents are more concerned about low wages and pensions (66%), rising utility tariffs (52%), and rising prices for basic goods and inflation (46%). Socio-economic problems such as low wages and pensions, unemployment, inflation, and insufficient social protection are felt more acutely in small towns and villages.
• The leader of the presidential rating is Yuliia Tymoshenko, whom 26.8% of those who have decided and intend to vote are ready to support. Oleh Liashko is supported by 17.9%, Volodymyr Zelenskyi by 12.8%, Petro Poroshenko by 8.8%, Anatolii Hrytsenko by 7.7%, and Yurii Boiko by 7.4%. Other candidates have ratings below 4%. Almost one in five residents of the region has not yet decided on a candidate.
• Every fifth respondent believes that Yuliia Tymoshenko will win the presidential election. Over the past year, the number of those convinced of her victory has increased by one and a half times. Eleven percent are confident in the victory of Petro Poroshenko (13% last year). About 9% see Oleh Liashko winning. No more than 5% believe in a positive result for other candidates. Confidence in favorites is mainly expressed by supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Petro Poroshenko, and Oleh Liashko.
• The negative rating is led by Petro Poroshenko. Almost 66% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• In the party ratings, Batkivshchyna leads with the support of 26.6% of those who have decided and intend to vote. The Radical Party is supported by 19.1%, Servant of the People by 10.5%, Civic Position by 8.1%, European Solidarity by 6.9%, the Opposition Bloc by 6.4%, the Agrarian Party by 3.9%, and UKROP by 3.1%. Other parties have ratings below 3%. At the same time, almost one in five residents of the region has not decided on a party choice.
• The candidate’s socio-economic program (70%), orientation toward closer cooperation with the European Union (68%), experience in public office (66%), and leadership qualities (64%) are motives that significantly influence respondents’ presidential choice. For 55%, it is important that the candidate focuses primarily on solving national problems, while 37% stated that the ability to solve both national and local problems is more important. The choice between a politician’s ability to ensure radical change (43%) or, conversely, to stabilize the situation (51%) divided respondents almost evenly. The latter motive is dominant among supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Yurii Boiko, and Anatolii Hrytsenko.
• Thirty-four percent of respondents do not expect any changes in the country after the upcoming elections. At the same time, 29% believe that the situation will improve, and only 14% say it will worsen. Twenty-three percent were unable to answer this question. Supporters of Yuliia Tymoshenko, Petro Poroshenko, and Yurii Boiko more often expect positive changes. Those expecting deterioration are more common among respondents who do not intend to vote or have not decided on their choice.
• Almost half of respondents (48%) allow for the possibility of significant falsifications in the presidential elections at the national level. At the local level, expectations of violations are significantly lower: 28% allow for significant falsifications at the regional level, and 22% at the level of the city or village.
• At the same time, 14% of respondents have a positive attitude toward situations in which some politicians provide material assistance to voters during elections. Thirty-eight percent take a neutral position on this issue, while 45% oppose this type of campaigning. A more favorable attitude toward the distribution of assistance by candidates is observed in Chernihiv city and among older and poorer respondents.
• Residents of the region assess the activity of local authorities significantly better than that of central authorities. Ten percent of respondents are satisfied with the activity of President Petro Poroshenko, 12% are satisfied with the activity of Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, and only 6% with the Verkhovna Rada. At the same time, more than 80% expressed dissatisfaction with the activity of central authorities. More critical assessments are observed in rural areas.
• Over the year, the level of satisfaction with the activity of the regional state administration decreased somewhat, from 41% to 30%, as did satisfaction with city and village heads, from 62% to 50%. Local leaders are rated very positively in Chernihiv city and in villages. In small towns, dissatisfaction with local leaders outweighs satisfaction.
• Respondents more often perceive an increase in corruption nationwide than in the region or at their place of residence. Almost two thirds of respondents believe that the situation with bribery has not changed at either the central or local levels. Only 6% reported a decrease in corruption.
• The overwhelming majority of respondents are dissatisfied with the situation in various sectors and services. In annual dynamics, most indicators show either negative trends or no change. Exceptions include personal safety and the fight against crime, where assessments have improved over the year. Relatively better evaluations are given to school education, safety, and road conditions. The worst assessments concern healthcare, social protection, and industrial development.
• Among opportunities in the region, respondents rated opportunities for recreation and leisure and the ability to live safely highest. The lowest ratings were given to opportunities to find a job. Opportunities for recreation, achieving success, finding a job, and entrepreneurship are rated relatively higher by residents of the regional center, while the ability to live safely is rated higher in villages. Wealthier respondents rate all opportunities higher than poorer ones.
• Only about 2% see high economic development potential for Ukraine, the region, and their city or village over the next 5–10 years. About one quarter assess the potential as medium. Half see low potential, and 5% see no opportunities for economic growth at either the national or local level. Residents of the regional center assess development potential at all levels more optimistically.
• An absolute majority of respondents (73%) feel proud to be citizens of Ukraine, while 14% hold the opposite view. Respondents feel somewhat more pride in being residents of their city or village (78%). The most frequent sources of pride in the region are nature (55%) and history (45%). Thirty percent are proud of local residents, 27% of regional traditions, 22% of culture and art, 20% each of landmarks and agriculture, 16% of natural resources, and 10% of notable local figures.
• Almost 60% consider themselves definitely or rather happy people, while 19% hold the opposite view. Urban residents, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals more often report personal happiness. On the other hand, one in five village residents and one in four representatives of the older generation consider themselves unhappy. Among the poor, as many as 40% feel unhappy.
• Residents of the region more often noted cultural and historical closeness to residents of Kyiv, Poltava, and Sumy regions. Among neighboring countries, residents feel the greatest closeness to Belarus, and somewhat less to Russia and Poland.
• Twenty-nine percent expressed a desire to start their own business. Four percent reported that they are already entrepreneurs, while half of respondents do not intend to engage in business. A higher desire to start a business is observed among urban residents, younger respondents, and wealthier individuals. Among the latter, one in five stated that they are already engaged in entrepreneurship. Among those wishing to start a business, 31% would like to engage in trade, 11% each in construction and repair or car service, and 10% each in transport and logistics, catering, and entertainment and leisure.
• Over the past year, the share of those wishing to work abroad increased from 22% to 33%. Only one third of them are ready to invest earned money in starting a business in Ukraine in the future. Higher migration intentions are observed among young people (66%), urban residents (36%), and respondents with middle income levels (43%).
• Eighty percent believe that Ukrainian should be the only state language. Twelve percent support granting the Russian language official status in certain regions, and 3% support granting it state language status.
• An absolute majority of respondents (73%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country toward Ukraine. Only 12% hold the opposite view, and 15% were undecided.
• Over the past year, the share of those supporting Ukraine’s accession to the European Union increased somewhat, from 44% to 47%. Support for NATO membership remained almost unchanged at 38%. Among different vectors of foreign economic integration, the pro-European direction leads at 45%. Thirty-seven percent support Ukraine’s equidistance from Russia and the West, and only 5% support accession to the Customs Union.

• According to the results of a study conducted by the Rating Group, the majority of respondents (62%) consider Russia to be an aggressor country with respect to Ukraine. Twenty-six percent of respondents hold the opposite view, while another one in ten have not decided.
• Fifty-eight percent of respondents believe that Russia committed an act of military aggression against Ukraine during the incident involving Ukrainian and Russian military vessels in the Sea of Azov, which took place on November 25, 2018. Twenty-two percent hold the opposite opinion, while another one fifth were undecided.
• At the same time, only one third of respondents support the decision to impose martial law for 30 days in certain regions, while almost 60% do not support it.
• The decision to impose martial law is supported by only half of those who consider Russia an aggressor. The decision is relatively more supported by residents of Western Ukraine (44%) and Central Ukraine (39%), less so in the South (24%), and least of all in the East (14%). It is more often supported by respondents who speak Ukrainian at home (45%) than by those who speak Russian (17%), and is somewhat more supported by men (38%) than by women (28%).
• At the same time, only 14% support the decision to impose martial law for 60 days and across the entire territory of Ukraine, while 76% do not support it.
• Meanwhile, the majority of respondents (69%) consider the introduction of martial law to be a delayed decision and are convinced that it should have been introduced back in 2014, after the annexation of Crimea and the start of hostilities in Donbas.
• Almost two thirds of respondents allow for the possibility that President Petro Poroshenko intended to impose martial law in Ukraine for 60 days in order to postpone the presidential elections.
• At the same time, most respondents believe that the introduction of martial law will draw the attention of the international community to the Ukrainian–Russian conflict (60%) and will contribute to the introduction of additional international sanctions against Russia (55%).
• However, only 31% of respondents believe that the introduction of martial law will help improve the country’s defense capability.
• Overall, 22% assess the likelihood of a full-scale ground military invasion of Ukraine by Russia as high, 29% as medium, and 17% as low. One fifth believe that there is no threat at all, while one tenth were undecided. A higher level of invasion threat is perceived by respondents in the western and central parts of the country, and a lower level in the south and east.

The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on order of the International Republican Institute.  

Data was collected throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and part of the Donbas) from September 29-October 14, 2018. The sample consisted of 2,400 residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. The sample is representative by gender, age, region, and settlement size.

The margin of error does not exceed 2,0%. Average response rate was 61.8%.

English version of the report can be downloaded from the IRI.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group in October 2018, 31% of respondents assess the level of professionalism and competence of doctors in Ukraine as high (in June, this figure was 39%). At the same time, 51% hold the opposite opinion (54% in June). The competence of doctors is assessed relatively better in the western regions; however, in these same regions almost one quarter of respondents hesitated to give an answer to this question. Higher assessments of doctors’ professionalism were also given by those who have medical workers in their families or who personally know their family doctor.
• Almost two thirds of respondents stated that they know their family doctor or therapist, while 32% said they do not. A relatively higher level of awareness is observed in the western regions, in rural areas, among women, and among older people.
• More than 80% of respondents (as in June of the same year) have heard about the national program “Doctor for Every Family.” A high level of awareness is observed across all macro-regions and demographic categories.
• Fifty-six percent reported that they have already chosen their doctor and signed a contract with them (36% in June), while 42% said they have not yet done so. A higher level of engagement in signing contracts with family doctors is observed in the western and eastern macro-regions, among women, and among older respondents.
• Seventy-six percent of those who have already signed contracts with a family doctor are satisfied with them, and only 6% expressed dissatisfaction, while 18% were uncertain in their assessments. One third of respondents who noticed changes after signing a contract with a family doctor reported that the doctor became more attentive and polite. Thirteen percent stated that it became easier to get an appointment, 9% said they received free medications from their doctor, and 8% each reported improved conditions of care (repairs, modern equipment, etc.) or receiving referrals for free laboratory tests. On the other hand, 25% said they did not notice any changes after signing the contract, and another 22% had not visited their doctor at all since signing the agreement.
• Sixty-six percent stated that they have heard about the “Affordable Medicines” program, under which pharmacies provide free medications to patients with chronic diseases such as type II diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, and bronchial asthma. Thirty-three percent know nothing about this program. A higher level of awareness is observed among residents of the southeastern regions, women, and older respondents.
• Nineteen percent reported that they personally or their close relatives (spouse, children, grandparents, siblings, etc.) participated in the “Affordable Medicines” program, with the highest participation among older respondents, women, and those who have medical workers in their families. At the same time, 78% said they did not participate in this initiative. Almost half of those who participated in the “Affordable Medicines” program stated that it is successful, while 39% hold the opposite view. Sixty-three percent said that within the framework of this program they are satisfied with the territorial accessibility of pharmacies participating in the initiative, while 32% are dissatisfied. Fifty-seven percent expressed satisfaction with the availability of medications in pharmacies, while 39% are dissatisfied. Fifty percent said they are satisfied with the quality of medications, while 41% are dissatisfied.
• Forty-six percent of respondents stated that over the past 12 months they were not asked to pay a bribe for treatment (56% in June). Only 7% reported encountering corruption when receiving medical services, while 41% said they had not visited a doctor during this period. Only 14% said they gave a gift (such as sweets, alcohol, etc.) as a token of gratitude for treatment or medical services during the past 12 months (27% in June). Forty percent stated that they did not have such experience, while 41% had not visited a doctor recently.
• Fifty-six percent of respondents consider the Ministry of Health to be important for themselves and their families, while 32% expressed the opposite opinion. Views on the importance of the профиль ministry were expressed relatively more often by residents of western and central regions, women, and those who have medical workers in their families.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group, 79% of citizens believe that the Holodomor of 1932–1933 was a genocide of the Ukrainian people. This view is shared by an absolute majority of residents in the western and central parts of the country (92% and 83% respectively), as well as by a relative majority in the South and East (69% and 67%). Support for this position is more common among rural residents, younger respondents, and those who speak Ukrainian at home. In long-term dynamics since 2010, the share of those who recognize the Holodomor as genocide has increased by about one third.
• A positive attitude toward the recognition of the Holodomor of 1932–1933 as genocide by the U.S. Senate is expressed by 69% of respondents, while 62% believe that Ukraine should continue to seek international recognition of the Holodomor as genocide. Both initiatives receive stronger support among residents of the western and central macro-regions, people from rural areas, and Ukrainian-speaking respondents.
• Sixty-eight percent of respondents stated that they would light a candle this year on the Day of Remembrance of the Holodomor victims in memory of those who died of starvation, while 21% said they would not do so. This initiative is most strongly supported in the West and Center (84% and 70% respectively). At the same time, more than half of respondents in the South and East also said they would take part in this commemorative action.
• When asked about responsibility for organizing the Holodomor, respondents most often blamed Joseph Stalin personally (47%, compared to 42% in 2008) and the central leadership of the USSR as a whole (39%, compared to 38% in 2008). Another 28% (23% in 2008) placed responsibility on the Soviet punitive agencies (NKVD, GPU), while 23% (17% in 2008) blamed the top leadership of Soviet Ukraine. Only 3% said that Ukrainian peasants (“kulaks”) who allegedly refused to hand over grain voluntarily were responsible. Fewer than 5% adhere to the view that the Holodomor was caused by natural factors (11% in 2008). Respondents from western and central regions more often pointed to Stalin’s personal responsibility, while residents of the West, Center, and East more frequently mentioned Soviet law enforcement and state institutions. Respondents from the South were less likely than others to blame Soviet leaders and more often hesitated or pointed to unfavorable natural conditions as the cause.
• Over the past ten years, support for the idea of holding a trial against those responsible for the Holodomor has increased from 37% to 48%, while support for initiatives to provide compensation to genocide victims and their families has grown from 46% to 63%. As with previous statements, these initiatives enjoy greater support in the West and Center, among rural residents, and among Ukrainian-speaking respondents.
• Among historical figures, respondents expressed the most positive attitudes toward Bohdan Khmelnytsky (73%) and Mykhailo Hrushevsky (68%). In addition, 53% expressed a positive attitude toward Ivan Mazepa.
• Positive attitudes toward Leonid Brezhnev and Peter I were reported by 47% and 43% respectively (with negative attitudes at 39% and 26%). Stepan Bandera is viewed positively by 36% and negatively by 34%, while attitudes toward Symon Petliura are evenly split, with 30% positive and 30% negative.
• Respondents tend to view Vladimir Lenin and Mikhail Gorbachev more negatively than positively (about one quarter express positive views, while 51–52% hold negative views). The most negative attitudes are expressed toward Joseph Stalin, with 21% positive and 58% negative.
• Over the past six years, attitudes toward Ukrainian historical figures have generally improved. Attitudes toward Stalin and Lenin have remained largely unchanged, while attitudes toward Peter I have deteriorated. Significant regional differences are observed in perceptions of Russian and Soviet historical figures, who are viewed much more favorably in the southeastern regions, with the exception of Gorbachev, who is viewed more positively in the West. Conversely, figures such as Petliura and Bandera are viewed more positively in the West. Khmelnytsky and Hrushevsky receive similarly positive evaluations across all regions of Ukraine.

• According to the results of the joint sociological study conducted by the three research organizations, 78% of Ukrainians believe that the country is moving in the wrong direction. Only 12% consider the direction of the country’s development to be correct, which represents a deterioration compared to the previous month, when this share stood at 15%. Another 11% of respondents were unable to answer this question.
• Assessments of the direction of development at the local level are also predominantly negative, although they are somewhat better than evaluations at the national level. In particular, 64% of respondents believe that their oblast is developing in the wrong direction, while 17% assess it as moving in the right direction. Similarly, 58% negatively evaluate the situation in their settlement, whereas 26% give a positive assessment.
• In the view of most respondents, peace is the issue Ukraine lacks the most today, with 64% pointing to this factor. Stability is identified by 41% as a key deficit, order by 40%, while prosperity and development are mentioned by 35–36%. Unity and justice are named by 27% each. The issue of peace is especially salient in Galicia and Donbas, stability is more important for the South, development and prosperity for the East, and unity for Donbas. Order and justice are considered equally important across almost all macro-regions.
• Economic decline and the mass emigration of Ukrainians abroad are seen as the most pressing threats facing Ukraine today, each cited by 59% of respondents. Poverty is mentioned by 51%. Other threats, such as the devaluation of the hryvnia, population decline, the disintegration of the country, rising crime, and deterioration of public health, are mentioned by 32–39% of respondents. More than one quarter consider a full-scale war with Russia, a power vacuum, and societal degradation to be relevant threats, while every fifth respondent points to potential environmental disasters. Economic decline is more often perceived as a threat in the South, while mass emigration is more salient in Galicia. Concerns about currency devaluation, depopulation, state collapse, crime, and societal degradation are stronger in the southeastern regions. Respondents from Galicia and the Center more often emphasize the risks of full-scale war with Russia and political chaos.
• At the national level, the war in the East and bribery and corruption in government are identified as the two main problems, cited by 66% and 43% respectively. Unemployment and low wages are considered nationwide problems by about one third of respondents.
• At the personal level, respondents most often mention rising utility tariffs, low wages and pensions, and increasing prices for basic goods as their main concerns. The war in the East is perceived as a personal problem by 28% of respondents. Bribery and corruption, lack of employment, and poor-quality healthcare are mentioned by 17–19%, while insufficient social protection concerns 11%.
• Yuliya Tymoshenko remains the leader of the presidential рейтинг, significantly outpacing her closest competitors. Among those who have decided on their choice and intend to vote, 21% are ready to support Tymoshenko. Volodymyr Zelenskyi is supported by 11%, Petro Poroshenko and Anatolii Hrytsenko by 10% each, Yurii Boiko by 9%, Oleh Liashko by 8%, Sviatoslav Vakarchuk by 6%, and Yevhenii Muraiev by 5%. Other candidates have support below 5%. Over the past six months, Tymoshenko’s rating has increased noticeably, while Zelenskyi’s support has nearly doubled against the backdrop of declining ratings for Vakarchuk. The emergence of Muraiev as a candidate has significantly reduced support for Vadym Rabinovych.
• Tymoshenko leads electoral preferences in all macro-regions except Donbas, where she trails Yurii Boiko. At the same time, Petro Poroshenko tops the negative rating, with more than half of respondents stating that they would not vote for him under any circumstances.
• Every fifth voter believes that Yuliya Tymoshenko will become the next President of Ukraine. Fourteen percent believe in Petro Poroshenko’s victory, while fewer than 4% expect any other politician to win the presidency. Over the past six months, the share of respondents who believe in Tymoshenko’s victory has almost doubled, while expectations regarding Poroshenko have remained largely unchanged.
• Second-round simulations show that Tymoshenko would win in all likely electoral pairings, whereas Poroshenko would lose against any potential opponent in the runoff.
• Seven political parties currently have significant chances of entering parliament. Batkivshchyna remains the leader, supported by 22% of decided voters who intend to vote. The Servant of the People party is supported by 11%, Civic Position by 10%, the Opposition Bloc by 9%, Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity” by 8%, the Radical Party by 7%, and Yevhenii Muraiev’s party “Nashi” by 5%. Over the past six months, support has increased for Batkivshchyna, Servant of the People, and UKROP, while the emergence of the “Nashi” project has significantly reduced support for the party “For Life.”
• For nearly half of respondents, the main motive when choosing a political party is support for its socio-economic initiatives. Eighteen percent vote primarily based on sympathy for the party leader, and 12% based on ideological principles. Voting motivated by socio-economic initiatives dominates among voters of almost all leading political parties.
• Two thirds of respondents believe that Ukraine most urgently needs economic reforms. Social reforms are considered a priority by 43%, anti-corruption reforms by 37%, political reforms by 16%, and humanitarian and security reforms by about 10%. Over the past five months, the perceived importance of social reforms has increased somewhat, while the salience of anti-corruption reforms has declined.
• Opposition to the sale of agricultural land remains very strong: 72% are against lifting the moratorium, while only 13% support the introduction of a land market. Support for land reform is somewhat higher among younger and wealthier respondents. There is no significant difference between urban and rural residents, as the overwhelming majority in both groups oppose land sales, with rural residents even slightly more critical.
• Public support for European integration and NATO membership remains in place. EU membership is supported by half of respondents, while 30% are opposed. NATO membership has slightly more supporters than opponents, with 40% in favor and 36% against. Pro-Western orientations are stronger among residents of central and western regions, younger people, and wealthier respondents. However, over the past two years, support for both EU and NATO membership has slightly declined.
• When forced to choose a single vector of foreign economic integration, 47% support joining the European Union, while only 11% support joining the Customs Union. At the same time, 30% believe Ukraine should remain equally distant from both Europe and Russia. Notably, supporters of EU integration tend to maintain their position consistently, whereas two thirds of those opposed to integration with Europe favor neutrality, and only one quarter support joining the Customs Union.
• When asked to choose between military blocs and neutrality, 39% support joining NATO, 35% favor a non-aligned status, and only 9% support joining the CSTO. The vast majority of NATO supporters maintain their preference under these conditions, while nearly 70% of those opposed to NATO favor neutrality rather than alignment with the CSTO.
• Support for peaceful approaches to resolving the conflict in Donbas has increased slightly over the past month. Thirty-one percent support ending hostilities and recognizing these territories as temporarily occupied, while 27% favor granting them a federative status within Ukraine. Only 8% support separation of these territories from Ukraine, and 17% remain undecided. At the same time, 17% believe military action should continue until full restoration of Ukrainian control, down from 21% previously.
• Finally, 63% of respondents consider Russia to be an aggressor toward Ukraine. Twenty-two percent hold the opposite view, and 15% are undecided. The highest shares of those who do not consider Russia an aggressor, or who are unsure, are found in the South, East, and Donbas.

• According to the results of a public opinion survey conducted between September 28 and October 16, 2018 by the Social Monitoring Center, the Oleksandr Yaremenko Ukrainian Institute for Social Research, the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, and the Rating Group, the issues that currently concern Ukrainians the most are the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine (54.4%), low wages and pensions (54.1%), rising utility tariffs (48.1%), rising prices for basic goods and inflation (34.9%), unemployment and lack of jobs (26.8%), bribery and corruption in government (25.5%), as well as the inability to obtain quality medical care (19%).
• The military conflict in the East is of greatest concern to residents of Donbas (68.4%), respondents aged 50–59 (54.7%), men (54.2%), and those with an average material standard of living (55.7%). Low wages and pensions are a more acute problem for older people (62.8%), women (53.9%), and respondents with very low or low material status (56.9%). Rising utility tariffs are a particularly sensitive issue for respondents aged 60 and older (53.3%), women (50.4%), and economically disadvantaged respondents (50.4%). Rising prices for basic goods and inflation most concern these same categories of respondents. Unemployment and lack of work are felt more strongly by residents of Western (30.5%) and Southern (29.4%) Ukraine, respondents aged 18–29 (35.5%), men (27%), and rural residents (31%).
• A total of 75.8% of respondents stated that they are ready to come to polling stations during the presidential election. At the same time, 11.9% believe they will definitely not vote, 7.6% say they are unlikely to vote, and 4.7% were undecided or refused to answer.
• If the presidential election were held next week, the highest chances of reaching the second round would belong to Yuliya Tymoshenko (13.4% of all respondents / 18.9% of those who have decided and intend to vote), Volodymyr Zelenskyi (7.6% / 10.7%), Anatolii Hrytsenko (7.0% / 9.9%), Petro Poroshenko (7.0% / 9.9%), and Yurii Boiko (6.9% / 9.8%). Oleh Liashko (5.7% / 8.0%) and Sviatoslav Vakarchuk (4.9% / 7.0%) have significantly lower chances of advancing to the final stage of the election.
• Second-round simulations of the presidential election produced the following results. In a Poroshenko–Hrytsenko pairing, 14.3% would support Poroshenko and 33.1% would support Hrytsenko. In a Tymoshenko–Hrytsenko pairing, 24.8% would vote for Tymoshenko and 26.9% for Hrytsenko. In a Poroshenko–Tymoshenko pairing, 15.1% would support Poroshenko and 30.7% Tymoshenko. In a Poroshenko–Boiko pairing, 20.0% would support the incumbent president and 20.2% would support the leader of the Opposition Bloc. In a Tymoshenko–Boiko pairing, 30.3% would vote for Tymoshenko and 16.8% for Boiko. In a Hrytsenko–Boiko pairing, support would stand at 31.3% and 15.9%, respectively.
• Regarding parliamentary elections, 72.3% of respondents stated that they would be ready to take part in elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, while 21.9% said they would not, and 5.8% were undecided.
• When asked directly about party choice, 14.7% said they would not participate in parliamentary elections if they were held on the nearest Sunday. One fifth of all respondents (20.3%) had not yet made a final decision.
• As of now, eight political forces could potentially overcome the 5% threshold and enter parliament. Among those who have decided and intend to vote, 21.4% would support the Batkivshchyna party, 11.3% the Opposition Bloc, 10.5% Civic Position, 9.8% Servant of the People, 9.1% the Petro Poroshenko Bloc “Solidarity,” 8.1% the Radical Party of Oleh Liashko, 5.4% the For Life party, and 5.0% the Self-Reliance Union.